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Editorials - 16-08-2022

Though much has changed, attention needs to be paid to lingering issues in India’s police agency

As India is celebrating 75 years of Independence, the police continue to be in the public gaze, most often for antagonistic reasons. Criminal laws and procedures, though modified, and the shadows of India’s colonial legacy do not appear to leave the police agency any time soon.

Changes to the IPC

India’s parliamentarians rose to the occasion and passed The Probation of Offenders Act, 1958, with an objective more to reform, rather than punish, offenders. Realising the urgent need to check the social evil of dowry, the Dowry Prohibition Act was passed in 1961. More revolutionary changes were made in the Indian Penal Code (IPC) in 1983 and 1986 and by introducing Sections 498A (cruelty by husband and his relatives) and 304B (dowry death) along with certain amendments in the Evidence Act. The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, was enacted in 1989.

The definition of rape has been widened and offences related to sexual assault made tougher. Comprehensive laws such as the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012, and the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015, have been enacted. Electronic documents and signatures have been given legal sanctity to facilitate online transactions and check cybercrime under the Information Technology Act of 2000. The National Investigation Agency was constituted in 2008 (after the deadly 26/11 terror attacks in Mumbai) to investigate and prosecute offences affecting national security. All these statutes have added a progressive and more humane chapter to the history of our criminal justice system.

The constitutional courts have also made far-reaching contributions. By reading down Section 377 of the IPC, the Supreme Court granted relief to the LGBTQ+ community. Custodial torture and sexual harassment of women have been held to be violations of fundamental rights. The jurisprudence of providing compensation to victims of crime has evolved over time. The right to privacy has been recognised as a fundamental right. The demon of ‘sedition’ (Section 124A), which was brought into the IPC in 1870 to suppress the national movement, has recently been caged by the Supreme Court so that its constitutionality can be decided and its alleged misuse be curbed.

Attempts have been made to blend some elements of the inquisitorial system into the (prevalent) adversarial system by making judicial inquiry into custodial death and custodial rape mandatory and dig out the truth to punish the guilty. However, the police continue to be haunted by allegations of being a brute force. The trust deficit does not appear to have bridged despite the power to arrest having been curtailed, the use of handcuffs restrained, the presence of a lawyer permitted during interrogation, CCTV cameras installed in the police stations, and human rights bodies allowed to keep a constant eye. Lawmakers are still reluctant and the judiciary apprehensive about making voluntary confessions before a police officer admissible.

Many committees have been constituted and recommendations made to reform the criminal justice system in general and the police in particular, but to no avail. The latest in focus is the Supreme Court order inPrakash Singh v. Union of India (2006). The poor and tardy compliance with the directives has been explained in the book,The Struggle for Police Reforms in India: Ruler’s Police to People’s Police . This public interest litigation was filed with an objective of transforming ‘a ruler’s police into a people’s police’. The writer, Prakash Singh, has said that even the directive of separating investigation from law and order, which only required a sanction of a few more posts, was not implemented by States and Union Territories in the true spirit. Despite ‘Police’ being a State subject, no State government has given due attention to police reforms so far. Though the Police Act of 1861 was made applicable to all provinces after the 1902-03 Commission’s recommendations, no State or UT has adopted the Model Police Act drafted by Soli J. Sorabjee.

Though there was no connection between the magistrates and the police in the system established in England from 1829 onwards, the mutiny made this arrangement possible for the purpose of utilising the police primarily for the maintenance of British rule in India. All such provisions, despite having outlived their purpose long ago, still continue to exist not only in the States’ Police Acts but also in the criminal codes. It is no wonder then that the District Superintendent of Police is unable to transfer his Station House Officers without the approval of the District Magistrate in U.P.; the performance appraisal report of a Superintendent of Police is still written by the District Magistrate in some States (including Chhattisgarh) despite the Supreme Court’s directions to the contrary; and the introduction of the police commissionerate system in metropolitan areas (as per the provisions of the Criminal Procedure Code) is always resisted tooth and nail.

Years of significance

The year 1861 was a turning point for the police in India. Though the process of drafting the IPC had begun much earlier in 1834, the revolt of 1857 gave a fillip to the drafting of the Police Act and laid the foundation for an organised police force, albeit a weak one. The main objective then was to use the police as a weapon of repression and strengthen the hold the British had over India. The prevention (and detection) of crime was never their priority. Most of the constabulary was illiterate and not paid even a ‘living wage’. It was therefore not surprising that Andrew H.L. Fraser, who headed the Police Commission (1902-03), concluded that the “police force is far from efficient; it is defective in training and organisation … it is generally regarded as corrupt and oppressive; and it has utterly failed to secure the confidence and cordial co-operation of people”.

Though the Commission felt the urgent need of introducing radical reforms, the recommendations made were not revolutionary in character. Except for the introduction of the post of direct sub-inspectors (for police stations) and the rank of deputy superintendent of police for natives, not much was accepted and implemented by the Secretary of State on account of financial constraints. The Commission’s recommendation of providing quarters to sub-inspectors and officers of lower rank in each province was accepted. The status of inspectors was on a par with Tehsildars. The Commission was against the application of statistical tests to judge the work of police officers. Most importantly, its report was discussed in detail, agreed upon major issues in principle, and accepted partially due to economic factors.

Since much water has flown under the bridge since 1861, serious attention is needed to address impending issues. While some police reforms may require additional funding, much of the trust deficit can be bridged by improving soft skills and ensuring investigation in an impartial manner. Unwanted and mechanical arrests need to be stopped. More offences can be made bailable and more brought under the ambit of compounding to lighten the burden on jails. Most of it can be achieved through proper training. The use of technology and forensic techniques must be encouraged to enhance the quality of evidence. Specialised wings need to be established to deal with newer types of crime. The police should be accountable only for their constitutional goal of establishing the rule of law. The shackles of 1861 must go.

R.K. Vij is a former Special Director General of Police of Chhattisgarh. Views are personal



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The idea of India is under transformation again, and any return to ‘mainstream versus sub-stream friction’ spells danger

The integration of Northeast India into mainstream Indian life has been on the national agenda from the very start of India’s journey as an independent nation. The region has always been seen to be somewhat alien and needing assimilation, which found (and finds) reflection in administrative terms too. Two such measures, on opposite ends of the spectrum, should characterise this predicament: the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution introduced in 1949 and the draconian Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), promulgated in 1958. Seventy-five years after Independence, the question is how successful has this integration been?

‘Excluded’ areas

The British had also considered leaving this “Mongolian Fringe” — a term British India Foreign Secretary Olaf Caroe coined in a paper in 1940 — as a Crown Colony. This entity was to be a combination of hill regions of the Northeast and Upper Burma. The Governor of Assam, Robert Reid, flagged this in a 22-page note in 1937 titled ‘A Note on the Future of the Present Excluded, Partially Excluded and Tribal Areas of Assam’, by saying people here, “neither racially, historically, culturally, nor linguistically”, had any affinity with the rest of India. There were other similar thoughts too as David R. Syiemlieh documents in hisOn the Edge of Empire: Four British Plans for North East India 1941-1947 .

These “Excluded” and “Partially Excluded” areas Reid mentions, were constituted largely of the unadministered hills of Assam separated from its revenue plains by an “Inner Line” created by the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation 1873, and this was a year before Assam was separated from Bengal and made a Chief Commissioner’s Province. Earlier, Assam was annexed into British Bengal after the First Anglo Burmese War 1824-26 and the signing of the Treaty of Yandabo.

The Sixth Schedule

British Assam was virtually the entire Northeast of today, excluding two kingdoms, Tripura and Manipur. In these kingdoms too, though no Inner Line was introduced, the British brought in similar administrative mechanisms separating “excluded” hills from the revenue plains. In Tripura, the plains of Chakla Roshanabad were annexed to British Bengal and the Tripura kings were allowed to be landowners there but not claim sovereignty over them. In Manipur, the hills and the central revenue plains of the Imphal valley came to be treated as separate administrative regions in 1907.

The Crown Colony plan was ultimately dropped on grounds of administrative feasibility. Reid’s idea probably was also influenced by a memorandum to the Simon Commission in 1929 by a nascent Naga nationalist body, Naga Club, which argued that Nagas were not Indians. Interestingly, the Crown Colony bears resemblance to the notion of “Zomia”, conceived by Willem van Schendel and popularised by James C. Scott in ‘The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia’. This complex mosaic of ethnicities was what India inherited.

The Sixth Schedule was independent India’s first administrative instrument for undivided Assam’s tribal belt. The works of Verrier Elwin, British-born Indian anthropologist, who advocated for tribals to be encouraged to live by their own geniuses, were its inspiration. The Schedules mandated the formation of Autonomous District Councils in which, among others, tribal customary laws were given legitimacy.

The Naga Hills refused the Sixth Schedule and would have nothing less than sovereignty. A powerful insurgency resulted, and in its wake, AFSPA, with sweeping powers given to the armed forces. As an overture of pacification, the Naga Hills district was merged with the adjacent Mon and Tuensang subdivision of the North Eastern Frontier Agency (NEFA), or today’s Arunachal Pradesh, to form a separate Nagaland State in 1963. Naga insurgency, however, raged on in different avatars. A peace negotiation has been in progress for the last 25 years, and the hope is that this would culminate in a lasting settlement.

In 1972, most of these autonomous regions were bifurcated from Assam. Meghalaya became a State, while Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram were made Union Territories. The latter two were upgraded to States in 1987. Tripura and Manipur, which were made Part-C States after merger with India in 1949, were also upgraded to States in 1972.

Amidst these, the national identity question remained incompletely resolved and insurgencies spawned and spread even in States such as Assam and Manipur where the emotional gulf with mainstream India had seemingly narrowed. The hegemonic suspicion of the Indian state of the “Mongolian Fringe”, and reciprocal fear of the latter of being forced out of their traditional worlds to be overwhelmed by a cultural and population deluge from the mainstream, persisted. Every deviation from national norms in the region came to be attributed to machinations by unseen “foreign hands”; likewise, every nationalising project tended to seen on the other side as insidious cultural aggression.

Inclusion by accommodation

But as India gained confidence and shed its insecurities of further balkanisation after its traumatic Partition experience, the outlook towards national identity and nationalism underwent moderations, inclining towards a constitutional definition of these understandings rather than it being cultural. National integration also came to be more about the mainstream broadening to accommodate all other streams within the national territory, rather than requiring the latter to leave their streams to join the mainstream.

The changes the North Eastern Council (NEC) went through can be read as a demonstration of this. This institution was founded in 1971 as an advisory body. Initially, its members were Governors of the Northeast States, thereby remaining as the ears and eyes of the Centre. Its original pledge too made security the primary concern. In 2002, the act that brought NEC to life was amended. From an advisory role, it became an infrastructure planning body for the region. Sikkim was also brought into its fold. Significantly, its executive structure expanded to include Chief Ministers of these States, linking it to the aspirations of local electorates.

Likewise, DoNER was created in the Union Government in 2001, and in 2004 it was upgraded to a full-fledged Ministry. The paranoid suspicion of a “foreign hand” too has all but disappeared, and, earlier, in 1991, India’s Look East Policy was born with the stated objective of linking the Northeast with the vibrant economies of South East Asia. In 2010, a protected area regime that had restricted visits to Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram by foreigners was relaxed. Although unsuccessful, there was even a judicial commission constituted in 2004 to recommend a way to repeal or else “humanise” AFSPA. The new optimism was palpable. Indeed, it would not be unreasonable to presume this was the “moral imagination” of John Paul Lederach at work, resulting in the visible ebbing of many insurgencies in the region today.

Now, an unsettling question

But the idea of India is transforming again under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in New Delhi, indicating a return to a rigid understanding by the Indian mainstream. The unsettling question is would this mean a return to the mainstream versus sub-stream friction? The BJP, today has a strong presence in the Northeast. The party is in power in Assam, Tripura, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh but what needs to be remembered is that electoral politics in the region has been less about ideology and more about aligning with the party in power at the Centre. Grass-root sentiments do not always reflect in this, and are supported by two examples. Assam vehemently opposed the BJP-sponsored Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), yet the electorate returned the BJP to power. In Manipur, AFSPA remains an emotive issue, yet the BJP which did not even mention AFSPA in its election manifesto was voted back. This disconnect between the grassroots and electoral politics being what it is, there is no guarantee that the BJP’s party ideology has harnessed or sublimated the undercurrents of gut politics in the region. If unmindful, the potential for trouble in the CAA, AFSPA or other counter-cultures the region is known for, can flare up again regardless of the party in power.

Pradip Phanjoubam is Editor, FPSJ Review of Arts and Politics



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Nehru’s luminous legacy is deeply laid in India’s growth story since Independence

As India celebrates 75 years of Independence, Indians will see this as an occasion to recall Jawaharlal Nehru’s immortal speech, “A Tryst with Destiny”, delivered on the night of August 14, 1947, and its haunting poetic expressions — “At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India awakes to life and freedom.” For most, that speech and the man who spoke those words symbolised the spirit of a new nation just born. For them, some of the recent attempts to undermine Nehru’s place in history may seem like a minor distraction.

Vision of a modern nation

Nehru’s luminous legacy is deeply laid in India’s growth story since Independence. In May this year, when the Life Insurance Corporation of India (LIC) launched India’s largest public issue and collected Rs. 21,000 crore from the market, the nation was aware that this was a Nehruvian institution established in the early years of independent India. Equally, when we look at the celebrated names of global CEOs and corporate leaders, we can recognise many of them as Nehru’s ‘children’, as they were educated at the iconic Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and Indian Institutes of Management (IIM).

In 1947, Nehru, as Prime Minister, inherited an India that was politically shattered, socially divided and emotionally devastated. Yet, with restraint and self-confidence, he steered the country through those turbulent times and laid out the vision of a modern, progressive nation that quietly earned the respect of the global community.

Ideas and institutions

Nehru’s vision of India was anchored in a set of ideas such as democracy, secularism, inclusive economic growth, free press and non-alignment in international affairs and also in institutions that would lay the foundation for India’s future growth. These institutions touched every kind of economic activity, ranging from agriculture to aviation and space research. An agnostic Nehru described them as “the temples of modern India”. There were around 75 of these institutions including the Bhakra-Nangal dam, Bharat Heavy Electricals Limited, the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, the LIC, the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation, Indian Oil Corporation, the National Library of India and the National Institute of Design. Nehru saw them occupying the commanding heights of a stable, self-sustaining economy with people’s welfare as their central mission. Nehru’s inclusive vision ensured that these institutions spanned the entire social spectrum. When the IITs were planned, Nehru also established a network of Kendriya Vidyalayas. Along with large projects in steel and petroleum, Nehru saw the importance of promoting small and cottage industries and set up the Khadi and Village Industries Commission. When Bhilai, Durgapur and Rourkela were taking shape as functional townships, the Prime Minister also felt the need for a well-designed, modern city and thus was born Chandigarh. Chandigarh was perhaps India’s first ‘smart city’ when that term was not yet fashionable.

Two of these institutions deserve special mention: the Election Commission of India and the Planning Commission. They relate to the fundamentals of the Nehruvian vision: the triumph of democracy along with development. Nehru’s institutions flourished under the management of a group of accomplished persons who shared his idealism and his vision of a modern India. These were people of stature and high learning. They were technocrats, scientists and professionals with impressive records of past achievements. They included Homi Bhabha, Vikram Sarabhai, P.C. Mahalanobis, Verghese Kurien, S.S. Bhatnagar, S.Bhagavantam and C.D. Deshmukh. Each of them steered the fortunes of the project under them with high professional standards, laying down benchmarks for the performance of the project and identifying second layers of leadership for the project’s future growth. Many of these institutions, over the years, rose to global standards. Indian Oil became the first Indian company to be listed in the Fortune 100, in 2014. Amul emerged as the country’s best known consumer brand and India became the largest milk-producer in the world.

Shifts in the economy

Prime Minister Nehru’s 17-year rule set the stage for momentum in the Indian economy and his management model became a template for many succeeding Prime Ministers. This was a period which saw seismic shifts in the Indian economy. The Green Revolution which transformed India from a basket case to a grain-exporting nation, the telephone revolution that changed the telephone from being a symbol of elite lifestyle to mass ownership, and the digital revolution which turned India into a global technology hub all played out one after another. And then came the momentous reforms in 1991 under Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao which transformed the economy into an open, liberal and largely market-driven regime.

The success of these missions owed a great deal to the Nehruvian model, with several scientists and technocrats playing a central role in these accomplishments, such as M.S. Swaminathan, Sam Pitroda, Dr. Manmohan Singh and Nandan Nilekani. Collectively, these shifts have lifted over 300 million Indians above the poverty line and heralded the arrival of a modern, diversified globally connected economy with a significant digital component.

Now, well into the third decade of the 21st century, India is widely recognised as the fastest-growing large economy of the world. It is an incredible transformation in scale and depth to unfold in 75 years. It all began with one man’s dream and the many shrines of growth and development that he built. Their enduring impact reaffirms Nehru’s place in history. Among the political leaders of the newly independent nations of the 20th century, Nehru stands out as a unique personality who combined intellectual stature with mass popularity. The Economist in a widely-read obituary titled “World Without Nehru”, on May 30, 1964, observed, “Throughout the long years of his premiership, he retained his magical grip on the great masses of people.” That equation, which an Indian Prime Minister had with his people, remains unequalled and untested till now.

C. Sarat Chandran is Senior Fellow, London School of Economics



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India and EU should not let divergence of views on some issues overwhelm the convergence of views on other areas

While India celebrates its 75th year of Independence, it also celebrates 60 years of diplomatic relations with the European Union (EU). A cooperation agreement signed in 1994 took the bilateral relationship beyond trade and economic cooperation. The first India-EU Summit, in June 2000, marked a watershed in the evolution of the relationship. At the fifth India-EU Summit in 2004, the relationship was upgraded to a ‘Strategic Partnership’. The two sides adopted a Joint Action Plan in 2005 towards strengthening dialogue and consultation mechanisms in the political and economic spheres, enhancing trade and investment, and bringing peoples and cultures together. The 15th India-EU Summit, in July 2020, provided a common road map to guide joint action and further strengthen the partnership over the next five years. The road map highlights engagement across five domains: foreign policy and security cooperation; trade and economy; sustainable modernisation partnership; global governance; and people-to-people relations.

Areas of cooperation

The India-EU partnership has grown rapidly ever since. Bilateral trade between the two surpassed $116 billion in 2021-22. The EU is India’s second largest trading partner after the U.S., and the second largest destination for Indian exports. There are 6,000 European companies in the country that directly and indirectly create 6.7 million jobs.

Beyond the economic partnership, India and the EU have several avenues of collaboration. For example, the ‘green strategic partnership’ between India and Denmark aims to address climate change, biodiversity loss and pollution, and the India-Nordic Summit in May focused on green technologies and industry transformation that are vital for sustainable and inclusive growth. All this will act as a catalyst for enhanced cooperation between the two regions.

Cooperation with the EU in the defence sector has also increased substantially. This is critical for India at this juncture, to reduce its hardware dependence on Russia in the backdrop of the Ukraine conflict and seek diversification of its armament imports from other regions with latest technologies in wake of its confrontation with China. India and the EU regularly conduct joint military and naval exercises which reflects on their commitment to a free, open, inclusive and rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific. The first maritime security dialogue between the two in 2021 focused on cooperation in maritime domain awareness, capacity-building, and joint naval activities. France’s on-time delivery of 36 Rafale fighter jets and willingness to offer Barracuda nuclear attack submarines to the Indian Navy reflects the growing level of trust in their relationships. Leading European defence equipment manufacturers are willing to partner with Indian companies for defence projects aligned with the ‘Make in India’ programme.

Another rapidly growing area of engagement is the start-up and innovation ecosystem across India and Europe. Furthermore, the Science and Technology Joint Steering Committee between the two focus on areas such as healthcare, Artificial Intelligence, and earth sciences. In 2020, there was an agreement for research and development cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy between the European Atomic Energy Community and the Government of India.

Challenges

However, challenges remain. Both have differing opinions and divergent interests in some areas. India’s reluctance to explicitly condemn Russia’s intervention in Ukraine, and the country’s increasing economic cooperation with Russia, has been one area of disagreement. India has called out the EU’s double standards on the same, for the EU purchases 45% of its gas imports from Russia in 2021. There is also ambiguity on the EU’s strategy in tackling the rise of China. Its muted response during the Galwan clash is a case in point. India’s economic, political and demographic weight could be deftly leveraged by the EU to counterbalance China’s influence across the region. But there seems to be some hesitancy about this.

India and the EU should not let such divergences of views overwhelm the many areas of convergence among them. The proactive resumption of the ambitious India-EU free trade and investment agreement in 2021 is a step in the right direction. European partners acknowledge India as an important pillar in ensuring stability in the Indo-Pacific region. The EU wants to be more than just a trading bloc and is seeking alliances with like-minded countries like India. Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar rightly said, “ [India and the EU] are each political and economic poles in an increasingly multi-polar world. Our ability to work together, therefore, can shape global outcomes.”

Rajesh Mehta is an expert on international affairs and Mohit Anand is Professor of International Business and Strategy at EMLYON Business School, France



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Eknath Shinde faces stiff challenge in the form of Aaditya Thackeray’s outreach rallies

By stunning everyone with his intra-party putsch and by forming the government with Devendra Fadnavis’ BJP with his rebel faction of 50 MLAs, Eknath Shinde caused Uddhav Thackeray’s Sena faction to lie prostrate. Mr. Thackeray struggled to control the exodus within his party, with 12 of the 19 Sena Lok Sabha MPs moving over to the Shinde camp. But Aaditya Thackeray has risen to the occasion. His cadre outreach campaign, the ‘Shiv Samvad Yatra’, has drawn a groundswell of support from the party rank and file across Maharashtra. As both rival factions slug it out in the Supreme Court over control of the party, the younger Thackeray has been making efforts not just to challenge the 50 rebel MLAs of the Shinde camp, but to expand the Sena well beyond its traditional pockets of Mumbai, Thane, Konkan and a part of Marathwada.

Party grapevine is that while he is being groomed as the next working president of the Sena, his brother, Tejas Thackeray, will be assigned a formidable role soon. Already, there is clamour from the young Shiv Sainiks to make Mr. Tejas Thackeray the Yuva Sena chief. Sena founder Bal Thackeray had referred to the youngest Thackeray as having taken after him, with his “sharp brains” and “aggressive spirit.” Recently, Mr. Uddhav Thackeray’s confidante Milind Narvekar referred to Mr. Tejas Thackeray as the “Viv Richards of the Sena”.

The Shinde camp’s revolt has created a vacuum which Mr. Aaditya Thackeray hopes to exploit by giving youthful faces a chance in the constituencies held by the rebel Sena MLAs. A wide field of opportunity has opened with many youths already being appointed to responsible positions in many taluks. His rallies, particularly in Mumbai, Thane, Aurangabad and the Konkan, saw an overwhelming turnout, with a large number of young Sainiks vowing to ‘topple’ the rebel MLAs in future elections. In fact, even in Pune, where the Sena has a nominal presence, a massive crowd smashed the car of a rebel Sena leader, Uday Samant, as a sign that the old Sena aggression was alive and kicking.

Meanwhile, despite the BJP making him Chief Minister, Mr. Shinde has had to summon all his sangfroid to keep the aspirations of his rebel faction in check. Many of the rebel Sena MLAs have served more than four terms on average. This has meant few opportunities for political advancement among their younger colleagues in these constituencies. Keeping his faction happy has meant some hard bargaining with the BJP, as evinced by Mr. Shinde’s frequent visits to Delhi. There have already been rumblings of dissent within the rebel camp. While Aurangabad MLA Sanjay Shirsat, a key face of the revolt, has been sulking for not being given a Cabinet berth, Abdul Sattar, another influential leader from Aurangabad, was reportedly threatening to leave the rebel camp if he was not inducted. He was eventually sworn in as a Minister. The 11 independent MLAs who supported Mr. Shinde are also upset at not being given Cabinet berths.

In his rallies, Mr. Aaditya Thackeray has said the government will soon fall as the “traitors” bicker over positions. Crediting Mr. Uddhav Thackeray’s astute helmsmanship in steering Maharashtra out of COVID-19, the young Thackeray has stressed the Sena’s bent towards ‘social service’ rather than crass political gain. In many ways, his rallies mark a return to the brass tacks when the party was expanding in the late 1960s and 1970s. Whether or not the support on the ground translates into votes for the Thackeray faction in 2024, Mr. Shinde will have to reckon with Mr. Aaditya Thackeray’s ‘Sena 2.0’ in the near future.

shoumojit.banerjee@thehindu.co.in



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India needs better governance for the sake of its own people, not global approbation

Prime Minister Narendra Modi rightly described independent India’s 75-year journey as one of “ups and downs” in his ninth speech from the stately Red Fort on Monday. Praising those who fought for India’s freedom, the Prime Minister pointed to the country’s achievements even as he acknowledged the challenges of fulfilling the pressing needs of an ever-aspirational society, tugging at the seams of government. National pride and self esteem were dominant themes as he urged the country to rid itself of the need to look for approval from abroad. Asking the question about how long India could go on living on “certificates” from abroad, the Prime Minister wondered why India could not develop its own “markers”. Though Mr. Modi provided no context to these remarks, his comments could indicate his unhappiness with international criticism directed at his government on governance and human rights’ issues. Successive Prime Ministers have used their Independence Day speeches as a stock-taking of their government’s record and as an insight to what the nation might face. With two years left for the general election, the Prime Minister was in an expansive mood, taking up issues of women’s safety, energy self-reliance, celebrating the diversity of India, the need to respect all languages, and promising an all-out war against corruption and “parivarvad ”, or the pernicious influence of dynasty. The Prime Minister asked the people to give him their “blessings” as the battle against corruption enters a decisive phase where even the big fish will not be spared. Even as he dwelt on governance issues, Mr. Modi laced his speech with a political appeal.

Mr. Modi was silent about his promises made in 2016 to double the income of farmers by the time the country celebrated its 75th Independence Day. However, he did lay out his vision for an “amrit kaal ”, or developed age, in the next 25 years, the 100th year of India’s independence, in 2047. Details of how the country would reach the objective were scanty, apparently kept for another day. In keeping with the Bharatiya Janata Party’s new status as the natural party of governance, the Prime Minister underlined that India had got a stable government after many decades, resulting in speedy decision-making. There was little in his 82-minute speech about the strategic challenges before the country in the wake of tensions at the borders and turbulence in the international order following the Russian invasion of Ukraine. To achieve its full potential, India must not only be able to overcome many obstacles that hold it back but also sail with the rest of the world in meeting the benchmarks of democratic rights, equitable distribution of wealth and access to health and education. India might not need approval from other countries, but it needs to do better on rights and freedoms, welfare and justice, growth and development, and in building a more egalitarian society.



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The assault on Rushdie is an attack on those who speak out against all forms of extremism

Salman Rushdie has lived in the shadow of a death threat since 1989, after his fourth novel,The Satanic Verses (1988), led Iran’s Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini to issue afatwa against the writer for offending Islam, the Prophet and theKoran . The extraterritorial edict multiplied the danger to the writer, and though the motive is still unknown, last Friday, Rushdie, 75, was stabbed multiple times at a literary function in New York. He is off the ventilator, but, according to his son, remains in critical condition. Through the years, others have faced violence over the novel too. People have died in riots, blasts, firing to protest against the book; his Japanese, Norwegian and Italian translators were targeted; a bomb killed the person who was trying to set it off. Rushdie went into hiding for nine years, where he burnished his weapon of choice — words. He has talked the language of truth, upheld freedoms of art and the intellect and pushed for ideals of democracy such as the right to dissent in his 14 novels, and in several incisive essays. In fact, under cover, assuming thenom de guerre Joseph Anton (inspired by the wanderer in Conrad, and the melancholy of Chekov; also the title of his 2012 memoir), he pennedHaroun and the Sea of Stories , a book he had promised to write for his nine-year-old son.

For his Booker Prize-winningMidnight’s Children (1981), which reimagined India’s independence, he had dispensed with safety nets, just like his literary inspirations, Gabriel Garcia Marquez, Gunter Grass and Nadine Gordimer. Rushdie found a new language to write about “hot and overcrowded and vulgar and loud” India, shining a light for future writers such as Arundhati Roy. The assault on Rushdie is also an attack against voices who speak out against extremism. Far too many writers, from M.M. Kalburgi, Gauri Lankesh to Anna Politkovskaya, have faced violence, some paying with their lives, for agitating people in a “culture of easy offendedness”. On the frontline, Rushdie has been acutely alive to the expanding threat. “This new idea,” he writes in an essay titled ‘Courage’ (Languages of Truth), “that writers, scholars and artists who stand against orthodoxy or bigotry are to blame for upsetting people is spreading fast, even to countries like India that once prided themselves on their freedoms.” Speak up, he says, every little bit counts. Rushdie’s next novel,Victory City , a translation of an epic, and a book about the “power and the hubris of those in power”, is out next February. But before the long recovery, a spot of cheer from the hospital: his son says Rushdie is being his usual feisty and defiant self, and that his sense of humour is intact.



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New Delhi, August 15: After India relived last night the ageless moments of its emergence as a free nation 25 years ago, the Prime Minister to-day made a fervent appeal for fresh thinking to give a new meaning and content to the country’s freedom to make it real for the countless millions of its poor people. In her Independence Day speech to the nation from the ramparts of the Red Fort, Mrs. Indira Gandhi exhorted her countrymen to create a united and strong India capable of pursuing its pioneering role as a beacon of peace and amity in this strife-torn world. As she unfurled the national flag from the central rampart, a 31-gun salute was fired by our artillery detachment while the vast sea of humanity that had assembled in front of the Red Fort gave a thunderous ovation. It brought back vividly the vibrant memories of the historic ceremony on the morning of August 15, 1947, when Mr. Nehru hoisted the Tri-colour over the Red Fort as a symbol of India’s Independence.The Prime Minister spoke eloquently of India’s commitment to freedom, secularism and socialism, and called upon the people to work hard and open up new vistas of activity for banishing poverty, illiteracy and superstition. She described India as a society in transition and stressed that there was no ready-made road or shortcut to progress except through hard work and discipline. It was quite understandable that the youth of the country was restless and clamouring for quicker results, but when a nation was entering from one era into another, some delays and difficulties were inevitable.



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Rakesh Jhunjhunwala created an ecosystem where investors (both domestic and foreign) have learnt to trust and lend to Indian companies and entrepreneurs. That is his lasting legacy.

Rakesh Jhunjhunwala, who passed away on Sunday morning, was widely known as the “Big Bull” of the Indian stock markets. The epithet describes an investor who buys stocks and shares with the firm belief that they will grow in value. And while its use in common culture is often laced with an accusation of irrationality, in Jhunjhunwala’s case, it was the real deal. Jhunjhunwala came from a middle-class background and was known for his integrity. His father, who was his lifelong idol, was an income tax officer. Jhunjhunwala started investing in the stock market in the 1980s when he was still in college, beginning with Rs 5,000 and ending with a net-worth north of Rs 45,000 crore ($5.8 billion).

By rising from nowhere to become one of the richest Indians on the basis of his investments, Jhunjhunwala not only created his own legend but also gave hundreds of thousands of Indian investors the confidence that they too could invest in the stock market and become rich. His influence on scores of foreign investors, who were warily watching India open up its economy during the 1990s, was equally dramatic. Jhunjhunwala was bullish on India and its long-term growth. He put his money where his mouth was, and inspired many others to buy into the India growth story.

In the three decades since economic liberalisation, several shocks, both domestic and international, have buffeted the economy. At each stage, it was natural for investors to give in to doubts, book their profits (or cut their losses) and leave. The Indian markets needed a champion and they found him in Jhunjhunwala, whose belief in India’s growth trajectory was unwavering till the end. In doing so, he created an ecosystem where investors (both domestic and foreign) have learnt to trust and lend to Indian companies and entrepreneurs. That is Rakesh Jhunjhunwala’s lasting legacy.



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From the lack of enabling measures that force thousands of SC &ST students to drop out of institutions of learning every year to the persecution that can drive a young scholar like Rohith Vemula to take his own life, the discrimination faced by Dalit youth is endemic and deeply ingrained.

On Saturday, as the nation prepared to commemorate its 75th Independence Day, a nine-year-old Dalit child from Rajasthan’s Jalore district succumbed to his injuries, allegedly inflicted by a person who should have given wings to his dreams — his teacher. The FIR in the case should be read as a sobering reality check on the terrible inequalities that continue to afflict and debilitate the nation as it aims to become the “destination,” where as Prime Minister Narendra Modi said from the ramparts of Red Fort, “aspirations are met”. “Indra was a child. He didn’t know that the matki (earthen pot) that he drank from had been kept separately for the savarna jati (upper caste) teacher”… “the teacher abused him with casteist slurs and beat him up, resulting in internal injuries”, the FIR says. These words should prick the nation’s conscience, and remind policymakers of unmet promises and unfinished tasks, as India begins the “Amrit Kaal” to the centenary of its Independence. The Ashok Gehlot government must ensure that due processes are rolled out swiftly and surely to provide justice in this case.

That casteist violence is a grim lived reality — at odds with India’s constitutional principles — for a large section of the country’s Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) communities is borne out by numerous reports and surveys. National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data show that a crime was committed every 10 minutes against a person from an SC community in 2020. Rajasthan along with Bihar, UP and Madhya Pradesh accounts for two-thirds of such crimes though these four states constitute about 40 per cent of the country’s population. Cases registered in Rajasthan under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act went up from around 6,000 in 2018 to more than 8,500 in 2020. Worryingly, the conviction rate in the state in such cases has gone down in these four years — from 11 per cent in 2016 to less than 8 per cent in 2020.

From the lack of enabling measures that force thousands of SC &ST students to drop out of institutions of learning every year to the persecution that can drive a young scholar like Rohith Vemula to take his own life, the discrimination faced by Dalit youth is endemic and deeply ingrained. Swift action in the case of the atrocity at Jalore will signal the state’s resolve to stamp out the oppression that bedevils the aspirations of its young. That should also be an urgent imperative for a nation aspiring to be a knowledge hub.

This editorial first appeared in the print edition on August 16, 2022 under the title ‘Death by inequality’.



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In his Independence Day speech from Red Fort, Prime Minister Narendra Modi took a long and large view. This was not a speech about schemes, programmes or plans. This I-Day, instead, the prime ministerial viewfinder framed a country that has turned 75 and is moving towards its centenary.

In his Independence Day speech from Red Fort, his ninth, Prime Minister Narendra Modi took a long and large view. This was not a speech about schemes, programmes or plans, even though he mentioned several — from Swachhta Abhiyan to Atmanirbhar Bharat, Nal Se Jal to National Education Policy, ethanol blending to Covid vaccination drive. This was not about the problems and choices that crowd the nation’s present moment. This I-Day, instead, the prime ministerial viewfinder framed a country that has turned 75 and is moving towards its centenary. It captured big ideas of that journey. Of course, many of these ideas are not new, some have come up against hurdles in the past or lack of sincerity on the ground, others remained excluded from his rendition. But what was not in doubt was his attempt to re-enliven the ideas that he spoke about – by expanding one, or imparting greater urgency to another through a more vivid connect with the aam citizen. For instance, this was not the first mention of Naari Shakti, woman power, one of the themes he emphasised. It is constantly spoken of, seldom acted upon. But the PM called it “desh ki poonji (the wealth of the nation)”, and drew a link between giving the woman her rightful place and the nation’s ease in fulfilling the goals it sets itself in the next 25 years, the Amrit Kaal. This enunciation was powerful.

The PM spoke evocatively about the pride the nation must take in its own inheritance. “Jab ham apni dharti se judenge, tab hi toh ooncha udenge (we can fly truly high only when we have feet on our own ground)”. Only an India in touch with its roots can give “vishwa ke samadhan”, answers to the world’s problems, he said, be it indigenous solutions to climate change, or the crisis of family values. And that even as India feels the world’s gaze, it must liberate itself from psychological enslavement to the need for external validation — the affirmation should lie within. His mention of “vividhta (diversity)” was perfunctory, while he spoke feelingly of an aspirational society that is impatient for change even as it is in the throes of a “punar jagran (re-awakening)”.

But there was something missing, something lost, in the PM’s talk of “saamoohik chetna (collective consciousness)”, “sankalp (resolve)”, “samarthya (capability)”, and “anusandhan (innovation)”. There was no outreach to those who feel excluded or left out from the collective, as it is defined by the PM’s party and government, or those who are weak and need a leg-up to participate in the fulfilment of ambitious national goals. The PM’s emphasis on “nagrik ka kartavya (citizen’s duties)” also seemed to be the other side of a silence — on the government’s responsibility to be more compassionate and sensitive to the needs of those who aspire, first, to an unquestioned sense of belonging and inalienable community. It’s a thought, perhaps, that could be developed more in the PM’s next eloquent I-Day speech, as the nation moves a year closer to its centenary.

This editorial first appeared in the print edition on August 16, 2022 under the title ‘The Ideas Day’.



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Kanimozhi Karunanidhi writes: We need a course correction so that our upcoming generations witness a free and prosperous society. We should ensure our republic protects all citizens and approaches checkpoints in this journey with a scientific temper.

India at 100, to me, is an incredibly powerful thought. When I look at the Bay of Bengal, the sea stretches to touch the horizon, and from this shore, my wishlist reaches to touch the sky.

Naturally, there are a lot of questions. How inclusive will the growth be? Would the shift in society be along the lines of social justice? How central will equality be to the dynamics of the society? Rooted in these questions, the growth and forward movement of our society become a complicated affair.

I do not doubt that India will be one of the most decisive forces in several spheres of influence by that time. It is an essential voice in some global conversations, but I sense the voice will only grow louder by several hundred decibels by 2047. Considering global challenges like climate change, increased levels of inequality, and fluctuations in geopolitical blocs, the camaraderie needed within the Indian Union cannot be explained in simple terms.

There is a price that the India project will have to pay for this journey, though. It’s an expensive deal. Well, one can say that the top one per cent, which contributes 33 per cent of the wealth in the country with1.4-billion-people country, can take care of it. With my years of public life, I’ve now understood that it just won’t be enough. The cost that India has to pay can only be achieved by every single person contributing towards it. All hands on deck!

This brings to the fore two of the critical drivers of growth for any nation — inclusivity and social justice. This moment in history is a clarion call to the common sense of the society to stand against the might of majoritarian forces. Riding on draconian laws, fragments of society are being driven to the extremes. The top 10 per cent of India makes up 64.6 per cent of the country’s wealth, whereas the bottom 50 per cent makes a mere 5.9 per cent. Economic growth that is not inclusive will extend this asymmetry and guide the India project to a very different place, one where the ramifications can be compared to the dark ages of history.

This is also the time to reawaken the conversation around social justice on a larger scale. There is no substitute for social justice in the vision statement of such a large constitutional democracy. The Preamble was the first proponent of this: “…to secure to all its citizens: Justice, social, economic and political…”

Social justice ensures equality. It tells the citizens of this Union that for the next 25-odd years and every single day after that, the catalyst for a positive change in the society is the promise of holistic growth.

Tamil Nadu’s growth in the past few decades is a testament to the success of setting up a strong base for development grounded in social justice. Our leaders, including Thanthai Periyar, Kamarajar, C N Annadurai and Kalaignar M Karunanidhi have been proponents of the inclusive character of democracy. Take, for example, the initiative led by Kalaignar in setting up government medical colleges in Tamil Nadu that opened opportunities for everyone back in the day. With low fees, they made sure the medical dream of any young child is accessible. In the present day, the NEET has entered as a disruptor in the system. We have stood against oppression and imposition in the past for the collective good and now our Chief Minister M K Stalin is championing this fight.

The strand of history to which we belong is soaked in the dye of patriarchy. This makes change hard. Women contribute just 18 per cent of the labour income in the country today. Lack of access, systemic prejudices about skill levels, and unaccounted familial duties move the spotlight away from women. I hope to see a significant shift by 2047. I hope 33 per cent is not just a number but a reality so that we can join hands and work towards 50 per cent strongly. On a more basic level, women participating in the labour force significantly increases the output. But when you go deeper, you understand something even better. Economists suggest that this effect on the economy influences the big picture, the reverberations of which benefit everyone.

Freedom, by its very nature, gives everyone choices. For instance, the choice to adhere to a religion. Individuals choose to practise the religion that they feel connected to.

A true sense of freedom on an individual level also means the distribution of rights and privileges irrespective of identities, especially minority identities. By 2047, the LGBTQ+ community, one of the most oppressed sections of society, should be able to lead a life on the socio-political plane without being challenged by regressive norms. There is a lack of empathy in the system, which does not treat the minorities with the dignity they deserve. The unfair treatment was a characteristic fed into the system. A beautiful canopy of equity, equality, and social justice will be where their voices will be heard, their concerns will be echoed.

We need a course correction so that our upcoming generations witness a free and prosperous society. We should ensure our republic protects all citizens and approaches checkpoints in this journey with a scientific temper.

I am reminded of this famous adage, “History is written by the victors”. I think “the future is written by the hopefuls”. Well, hopefuls when they have freedom of expression. The Indian jails today are home to numerous hopefuls who were denied their freedom of expression. A denial rooted in an inconsistent dialogue of interpretations propagated by an authoritarian state. But we’ll continue to write bold words, talk louder, and walk the talk towards 2047, for we have words of the revolutionary Tamil poet Subramaniya Bharathiyar in our minds:

There should be no one in poverty or in slavery/ There should be no one in India oppressed in the name of caste/ Let’s praise the wealth of education,/ Join in happiness/ And live in equality as we all are one.

The writer is a DMK MP



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C. Raja Mohan writes: Our diplomatic discourse remains trapped in a framework that emerged when India was weak and vulnerable 75 years ago. The fears of a 'developing nation' can’t be the guiding principles for the diplomacy of a 'developed nation'.

The new ambition outlined by Prime Minister Narendra Modi to make India a developed country, “Viksit Bharat”, by 2047 will demand significant changes in Indian foreign policy tradition. Some of those changes, already set in motion in recent years, must now acquire greater purpose and speed. But can India’s foreign policy community get out of its old mindset?

Our diplomatic discourse remains trapped in a framework that emerged when India was weak and vulnerable 75 years ago. The fears of a “developing nation” can’t be the guiding principles for the diplomacy of a “developed nation”. Your global perspectives must necessarily change when you move from the bottom of the scrum and to the top of the heap. While the geographic imperatives of a nation endure over time, the changing nature of the Indian economy, evolution of external conditions, emergence of new regional challenges, and shifts in the global power hierarchy all demand new foreign policy strategies.

While India is well on its way to becoming the third-largest economy in the next few years, that does not necessarily make it a developed nation. Many of the tasks of becoming a developed nation are indeed domestic — promoting social justice, internal unity, economic modernisation, resilient political institutions, and deep bases of science and technology.

Three major foreign policy tasks present themselves in the hopeful journey to a Viksit Bharat. The first is the need to overcome the residual legacies of Partition that continue to undermine Delhi’s geopolitical position. Resolving the problems left over by Partition on India’s northwestern frontier looks quite hard despite the efforts by successive PMs in the last three decades.

Deterring the dangers from across the Western frontier must remain a major priority until Pakistan is ready for a productive relationship with India. Meanwhile, Delhi must continue to build on the recent good work in overcoming the bitter legacies of Partition in the east – including the settlement of the boundary dispute with Bangladesh. If Partition weakened India, Delhi struggled to retain the regional primacy it had inherited from the British Raj in the Subcontinent and the Indian Ocean. The reclaiming of a prominent role for India in the region can’t be by fiat, but by making cooperation with Delhi more attractive to the neighbouring elites in the Subcontinent and beyond.

The initiatives of the last few years on intensifying connectivity, trade ties, and security partnerships with the neighbours will need a sustained push in the coming years. India also needs to double down on strengthening regional and trans-regional institutions. As the world’s third-largest economy that wants to be a developed state, India must look beyond the immediate neighbourhood to more effectively engage with Africa, Latin America and Oceania where Delhi’s footprint remains light, despite some recent initiatives.

The second is about coping with the growing power gap with China. Beijing has been the greatest beneficiary of India’s Partition. China unified itself after an extended civil war in 1949 just after India chose to be divided in 1947. Beijing has leveraged the divisions within the Subcontinent to constrain India. Delhi’s ability to raise its level of engagement in the extended neighbourhood and beyond also runs into substantive Chinese presence.

India has compounded that problem over the decades by persistent romanticism about China and overestimating the potential for collaboration with Beijing — whether it was Nehru’s notion of an “area of peace” in Asia or the pursuit of a “multipolar world” since the 1990s in partnership with Beijing. The first came crashing down in 1962 and the second now confronts the nightmare of a “unipolar Asia” dominated by an assertive China. To make matters worse, the Chinese military can choose its time and place today to raise the military temperature on the disputed Sino-Indian border as it has done in 2013, 2014, 2017, and 2020.

All the policies outlined by the Modi government to address the China challenge — securing our frontiers, retaining India’s regional position, strengthening India’s manufacturing sector, improving domestic technological capabilities, and producing more weapons at home — lead us to the third task.

It is about building stronger partnerships with other major powers. But collaboration with other great powers has been hobbled by old ideas of “non-alignment” and “strategic autonomy”. All countries practice strategic autonomy to the extent they can; it is not a special characteristic of Indian diplomacy. India’s problem as it becomes the third-largest economy is not about seeking autonomy from other powers, but joining them in shaping a stable balance of power system in the world.

This might involve both competing and collaborating with other major powers – sometimes doing both at the same time. Building partnerships is not ceding ground to other powers, but negotiating mutually beneficial terms in dealing with complex problems. While much of the domestic debate on India’s Ukraine policy has been rooted in the familiar framework of “external pressures”, Pakistan’s former Prime Minister Imran Khan, the other night in Lahore, has praised Delhi’s successful pursuit of its own interests. If India can do this with a $3-trillion economy, its ability to engage the other powers can only improve along with the growth of its comprehensive national power.

Becoming the third largest economy and a developed society can’t just be about geopolitics and balance of power. It is also about global leadership in managing the enormous consequences of the unfolding technological revolution, stabilising the economic order, and addressing the challenges of climate change and pandemics.

India’s innocent internationalism after Independence soon ran headlong into harsh realities in the high Himalayas. The uncritical acceptance of globalisation in the early 21st century has created economic problems of its own. On its way to 2047, Delhi will have to temper its soaring universalism with geopolitical sensitivity and combine the pursuit of multilateralism — at the UN, G-20, and WTO — with coalitions of like-minded nations. Getting power and principle to reinforce each other will help herald India’s arrival as a developed nation and a major power.

The writer is senior fellow, Asia Society Policy Institute and contributing editor on international affairs, The Indian Express



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Dattatreya Hosabale writes: Global challenges can be faced only when our internal systems are strong

Having completed 75 years after attaining Independence from foreign rule, Bharat has embarked on a new journey to play a lead role globally. While the next phase of its civilisational journey has begun, every citizen is in a boisterous and jubilant mood as the Amrit Mahotsav got underway with a new purpose.

Our nation completed this journey after having crossed numerous obstacles and problems. It has been an arduous, exciting and momentous journey. We have a vivid picture of the nation that became independent but faced the tragedy of Partition and suffered the trauma of violence unleashed after. Immediately after this tragic experience, its borders were attacked. The issues that the country faced post-independence could not dent our resilience, defeat our capabilities or shackle the potential of our nation. Taking the challenges head-on has led to the strengthening of Bharat’s democratic foundations.

Today, we can hardly imagine how the nation celebrated its greatest festival of democracy in 1952 and set up an elected government after having suffered the trauma of Partition and the attack on its borders. It was indeed the willpower and efforts of the people that ensured integration of those areas that were left out of the Union in 1947, such as Goa, Dadra and Nagar Haveli, Hyderabad and Puducherry.

Often, a question arises as to how a nation that secured political independence only a few years earlier could pick up the pieces and move forward so quickly. One cannot comprehend this without understanding the Bharatiya society as a whole. Even while suffering the acute pain of invasions and other crises, the Bharatiya society did not forget the sutra of its unity. Only if genuine attempts are made can one understand the freedom struggle of Bharat that left its footprint over towns, villages, forests, mountains and the coastal areas: Whether it is the Santhal uprising or the armed struggles in southern India, there’s a single underlying principle. Every one of our heroes yearned for the country’s independence. This craving for swarajya was not for themselves, but for the larger society and the nation.

Restlessness in the Bharatiya society was so intense that people made supreme sacrifices. This was why the independence movement spread as far as the UK, the US, Japan and so on. In fact, the India House in London was one of the major centres of the freedom movement. The independence movement was so comprehensive that it united the masses transcending geographical, economic, and societal boundaries.

Innumerable people sacrificed their lives in search of freedom. Some of them are household names while we hardly know about several others who submitted their lives at the altar of independence. This legacy of heroism, unparalleled patriotic fervour, supreme sacrifices and bloodshed seems to have served as the perfect launch pad for the citizens to win glory for the country. This desire on their part reflects Bharat’s societal aspiration rather than being fuelled by political leaders. This very aspiration came to the fore when internal Emergency was imposed and democratic institutions were attacked during 1975-77. Citizens from across the spectrum were at the forefront of the struggle against anti-democratic and authoritarian forces.

The 75th year of independence may also be the right time to introspect and plan for the centenary year, 2047. Also, at a time when the whole world is coming to terms with the post-Covid-19 social order and facing uncertainty, we should set our own distinct goals as a nation and society. Undoubtedly, the last decade has been a period of achievements for Bharat. We may have to build on our recent successes.

Providing access to affordable and quality healthcare, housing, education and achieving financial inclusion apart from citizens’ empowerment are areas where we have made large strides. For instance, Bharat’s ingenuity and intelligence were at their best while developing a safe and affordable vaccine against Covid-19 in a short period. The vaccine served as the perfect antidote and saved billions of lives globally.

Going forward, we have to recognise and confront several internal and external threats from known and unknown sources. Achieving societal harmony should be a priority area for Bharat. Given the inalienable link between society’s strength and harmony amongst her communities, we may have to channelise our energies in this direction.

On the economic front, Bharat has made rapid strides. But there’s a lot more that has to be achieved given the aspirations of a 1.4 billion population. There’s untapped potential for faster growth in several areas. Unless we place Bharat’s home-grown businesses and enterprises at the forefront of our policy formulation and achieve self-reliance, providing work opportunities to all may remain a pipe dream. Bharat will emerge strong in the true sense only when it is self-reliant.

A reorganisation of our policy and democratic institutions may have to be done in sync with the expectations of our people and requirements at a time Bharat seeks to play a lead role among global communities by drawing strength from its millennia-old civilisation. Making the judiciary, executive and all public institutions accessible to common people, who feel distraught and helpless, may be very significant in our onward march.

Global challenges in the short term can be faced only when our internal systems are strong. Apart from economic and political empowerment, finding home-grown solutions to tackle social challenges and fortifying Bharat’s internal systems should get a big push.

The writer is sarkaryavah, RSS



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D. Raja writes: For the nation, the enemy was British colonialism; for the RSS, it was Muslims.

As the country celebrates the 75th anniversary of Independence, it’s an irony of history that the RSS is now trying to appropriate the legacy of our secular and inclusive struggle. Indian independence was the result of a century-long mass struggle, with many streams of political thoughts and ideologies merging in opposition to British rule and liberating the masses from oppression.

Our struggle was not just a movement to remove the British from power. It also had an agenda for the country’s future. That agenda of social reforms and liberation from poverty and inequality was the outcome of a dialogue between the major ideological currents fighting for independence. The most important among these were the school of thought represented by Mahatma Gandhi through the policies and programmes of the Congress party, the communists and socialists, and advocates of social reforms best represented in the work of B R Ambedkar. Dialogue and debates between these streams produced the values that best define our struggle against colonialism and gave a coherent shape to the future republic and state, with secularism and welfarism at its core. These values are under threat from an organisation that played no role in our long fight for independence, the RSS.

At the time of Independence, the form of government India should opt for was a much-debated issue. Discussions around the Westminster system and the American presidential system were common. A majority of the leaders preferred parliamentary democracy. In his address to the nation on the 50th anniversary of Independence, the then President K R Narayanan said: “The Drafting Committee in choosing the parliamentary system for India, preferred more responsibility to more stability, a system under which the government will be on the anvil every day.” This idea of collective responsibility is under strain today due to the encroachments made by the executive on other branches of the state under the influence of RSS.

During the freedom struggle itself, the RSS was not pleased with representative democracy and constitutional safeguards. The RSS’s admiration for the European fascists and their emphasis on the leader principle made it incompatible with the very functioning of a democratic society. B S Moonje, mentor to RSS founder K B Hedgewar, met the leader of Italian fascists, Benito Mussolini, and told him, “I shall have no hesitation to raise my voice from the public platform both in India and England whenever occasion may arise in praise of your Balilla and fascist organisations. I wish them good luck and every success.” The RSS still follows the rule of subservience to one supreme leader. When we say that democracy itself is under threat from the RSS-BJP, the seeds of that can be found in the very foundation and functioning of the RSS.

Another example is the case of secularism, an important foundational value of our freedom movement. Hindus and Muslims fought shoulder-to-shoulder in the fight against the British. However, it is widely known and clear from the writings of RSS leaders and ideologues that their objective is to establish a hierarchical, exclusionary and discriminatory Hindu Rashtra. Ambedkar warned about this menace. He said, “If Hindu Raj does become a fact, it will, no doubt, be the greatest calamity for this country.”

When the nation was uniting to drive away the British, the RSS was busy finding the “enemy within”. They soon found the Muslim bogey to unite the Hindus under their divisive hold. This has led the RSS to declare open war on the country’s past as they continue their attempts at demonising Muslims. For the nation, the enemy was British colonialism; for the RSS, it was Muslims. The difference in identifying what we are fighting against made a crucial difference between Indian nationalism and the RSS’s narrow Hindutva nationalism.

Social reform was integral to our fight for independence. Two major components of this reform programme were related to caste and the status of women in society. Manusmriti, a compilation of the ordinances of Manu, was held responsible for the caste system in India by Ambedkar, who fought hard and established political equality, along with safeguards for the historically deprived sections through the Constitution. However, for the RSS, Manusmriti has remained a source of authority and law in society. Less than a week after the ratification of the Constitution, the RSS mouthpiece Organiser wrote on November 30, 1949: “To this day his (Manu’s) laws as enunciated in the Manusmriti excite the admiration of the world and elicit spontaneous obedience and conformity. But to our constitutional pundits that means nothing.”

It should be underlined that our freedom fighters lived and died for a secular, democratic, egalitarian and inclusive India. Ironically, those who stayed away from the freedom struggle are now trying to redefine what freedom meant and distributing certificates of patriotism.

The writer is general secretary, CPI



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PM Modi’s Independence Day speech set an ambitious target – India must become a developed country by 2047. “Developed” is as elastic a term as “developing”, and economists can provide multiple criteria. But income, and per capita income, is certainly one key criterion, and the other is that non-farm employment must be far more than farm employment. The two criteria are linked – incomes rise as the share of people in farming go down and manufacturing and services jobs multiply. This has held true from the beginning of the Industrial Revolution in Britain around 1760. That was the most consequential change in human society after the beginning of agriculture. A world of relatively stagnant living standards for millennia suddenly saw a big rise in income. And since then in every country that has become rich, farm employment has radically shrunk.

Where does India stand today? Around 41% of the labour force remained in agriculture in 2018-19 and manufacturing employed just 12.1%. It is basic, low paid, insecure jobs in services and real estate that absorbed some of the surplus labour struggling to get out of farms. India’s route to developed country status requires people to move out of farms much faster. And that can only happen if farming is reformed and manufacturing flourishes. The first is a political hot potato, one that even dominant BJP dropped. The second will require two things: Centre-state joint effort to clear projects fast all the time and the Centre to stop hiking import duties.

Reducing tariffs should be a low-hanging fruit. Tariff rate increased by 4.5 percentage points over the last five years to 18.3%. Protectionism undermines opportunities offered by the world to unbundle production of goods and get various bits done in different countries. Unbundling allows Indian exporters to link up with production chains, provided they can import inputs at a competitive cost. The fundamental flaw in PLI schemes is their overemphasis on protection.

Also starkly absent in India is a speedy dispute redressal process. Indian courts’ performance in contract enforcement is among the worst in the world. NCLT, critical to the bankruptcy process, had 30 vacancies in mid-July. There are vacancies and huge backlogs in the entire judicial system that dilute the efficacy of most reforms, especially when judges also wade into policy, usually creating more problems. If these persist, India’s economy will get bigger but its economic status won’t change.



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Maharashtra’s cabinet expansion took six weeks of negotiations – and BJP, unsurprisingly, has key portfolios. Though nine ministers from both sides were sworn in, plum portfolios have gone to BJP, in line with its strength in the legislative assembly and council. Deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis is a super-powerful deputy CM, with home, finance and other key portfolios like housing and water resources vested in him. The 40-MLA Eknath Shinde faction can console itself that a certain equilibrium continues as most of BJP’s portfolios were handled by NCP and Congress in the MVA government. But the reality is that continuance in office has come at the cost of a weakened, divided Shiv Sena. Even in BJP there will be some discontent: Most ministers have secured less heftier portfolios compared to their 2014-19 stint. But the political circumstances suddenly changing in BJP’s favour required such sacrifices.

How all this plays out will be seen first in civic polls in nearly all the big cities of Maharashtra including Mumbai. This will test the governing alliance’s ground game. And if results don’t yield a rich dividend, Shinde Sena cadres could pose some tough questions for the CM. MVA is in limbo with an outmanoeuvred Sharad Pawar focussed inwards on restructuring NCP and the Thackerays desperately trying to save their Sena after a breather from the Supreme Court. Whether the Bihar realignment gives national opposition unity efforts another impetus will be tested in Maharashtra.

A Sena faction on either side of Maharashtra’s political divide has introduced a new dynamic. BMC and other civic polls will reveal if the Thackeray clout over Sena endures and BJP’s “Maratha bet” on Shinde proves right. From the civic polls to 2024, Maharashtra’s political experiments will be closely watched, nationally.



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A sputtering Chinese economy is one of the key risks flagged by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that could pull down global economic growth.

China's surprise interest rate cut this week has an immediate effect on India through its impact on commodity prices. Commodity prices have declined on the news and expectations that more stimulus would be required to restore momentum in the world's second-largest economy. China is also India's second-largest trading partner, although the balance is heavily titled in its favour. The second-order effects of China's slowing trade with the US and the EU are likely to be felt through interest-rate movements, as these economies try to avert a deeper-than-anticipated slowing down of growth. Beijing has the policy space to reduce lending rates further because of low core inflation. But it has been wary of adding to heightened debt levels. There are also questions over whether the People's Bank of China (PBC) can revive lending amid continued coronavirus-instigated lockdowns and a property market slowdown where homebuyers have threatened to stop making mortgage payments.

A sputtering Chinese economy is one of the key risks flagged by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that could pull down global economic growth. The country recorded its weakest quarterly growth in two years at 0.4%. Missed estimates in retail sales, factory output and investments in July that led to the rate cut by the Chinese central bank are causing downward revisions in full-year growth projections by independent economists to below 4%. Beijing has so far given no indication that it will deviate from its stance on a 'zero-Covid' policy, even as the rest of the world has dropped restrictions. And a crucial congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) that is expected to clear the way for a third term for President Xi Jinping will take place as joblessness among the young is at a record high.

Chinese lending to advanced economies and to the developing world is tied to its growth rate. A slowdown also affects global supply chains, and businesses could accelerate their 'China plus one' strategies, which could benefit India.

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The central question is how far can New Delhi trust the Taliban. As a country with global aspirations, it must take some risks. Therefore, India needs a clear strategy and understanding of its involvement in Afghanistan and prepare accordingly.

India's de facto resumption of diplomatic ties with Afghanistan is a gamble fraught with peril and promise. The Taliban's overtures to New Delhi must be seen in the context of its international isolation and the humanitarian crisis it confronts. India is the unlikely recipient of Kabul's overtures, given New Delhi's historical distrust. Yet, it is India that the one-year-old regime has reached out to. Is this the diplomatic equivalent of a long con?

It was unlikely that India would spurn the Taliban's outreach. It gives New Delhi an entry into Afghanistan to ensure that it does not become the preserve of forces inimical to India, especially those supported by Pakistan and China. Kabul's offer to act on major jihadi groups traditionally operating in Afghanistan, including the Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed and al-Qaeda in the subcontinent is an attractive draw. The Taliban's India outreach puts it at odds with supporter Pakistan, and New Delhi can neither overlook its implications nor must take it for granted. Humanitarian assistance, especially in terms of food and health (Covid vaccines) and development can be important planks of engagement, especially with the Taliban asking India to complete development projects in the country. Working with other partners, India must leverage this position to maximise its gains across the Durand Line.

The central question is how far can New Delhi trust the Taliban. As a country with global aspirations, it must take some risks. Therefore, India needs a clear strategy and understanding of its involvement in Afghanistan and prepare accordingly. This is neither a humanitarian mission nor a military one, yet, there can be no delinking of the development and counterterrorism activities.

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The first redesigned coronavirus vaccine was approved for use this week when authorities in the United Kingdom cleared a Moderna dose that the company adapted to create immunity against the Omicron variant. The vaccine is a 50-50 formulation of Moderna’s 2020 product, designed on the Sars-CoV-2 variant that first spread around the world, and of a new dose developed using the blueprint of the Omicron variant that has taken over the world since early this year. In other words, it is a bivalent vaccine. Other companies with approved doses for Covid-19 too are working on updated coronavirus vaccines, including Pfizer, AstraZeneca and Novavax.

Updating vaccines is a tricky question. Scientists need to broadly consider two questions: First, has the pathogen changed substantially enough to warrant such a decision, which includes millions of dollars in costs and months in time for requisite tests? And, second, is the new mutated pathogen here to stay? In Omicron’s case, the first question was clear as early as in January when the virus was seen to be too evolved from the version that first spread out of Wuhan for biologicals and therapeutics designed on its predecessor to be adequately effective. In the time since, the second question too became clear: The Omicron variant and its sub-lineages have displaced all other configurations, and subsequent mutations in the virus (such as BA.4, BA.5 and now, BA.2.75) have only conferred it more resistance. In other words, the Omicron variant, at least for almost 10 months now, has become the foundation on which the Sars-CoV-2 one is evolving.

The evolutionary phenomenon is not unique, nor unexpected. Many diseases require bivalent or multivalent vaccinations as pathogens evolve. More vaccine makers will soon roll out their updated doses, with the mRNA platform developers likely to do so first since their product is easily reengineered. Till now, India’s vaccination journey has rested on its industry’s staggering production capacity. But licensing bottlenecks and a lack of government purchase orders meant that some of the most quickly developed doses worldwide have been unavailable to Indians. Thus, it is crucial for the government and the pharma industry to step up. Particularly important will be production, licensing and purchase – all three pillars should be worked on, in case any of the others are difficult to execute. The next phase of the global Covid-19 vaccination is beginning, and India must keep abreast of developments.



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Wholesale inflation in July (as measured by the Wholesale Price Index or WPI) grew at 13.9% on an annual basis. This is the second consecutive month of moderation in wholesale prices, not just on an annual basis but also on a month-on-month one.

This is an unambiguous piece of good news. Both retail and wholesale inflation seem to have peaked and are on a downward trajectory now. Retail inflation, as measured by the Consumer Price Index (CPI) rose 6.7% in July compared to the 7% print in June. The July WPI has fallen from its 15.2% reading in June. Both retail and wholesale inflation have dipped for two consecutive months.

The welcome trend of inflation moderating should not lead to complacency, though. Even though inflation is falling, its level is far from comfortable. The Monetary Policy Committee of the Reserve Bank of India expects CPI to be above the 6% threshold – this is the upper limit of RBI’s comfort band – till the end of this calendar year. WPI continues to grow in double digits despite a high base (it was over 10% a year ago). These kinds of inflation levels are bound to cause pain across the economic spectrum.

This raises the question of what the appropriate policy response ought to be. Most analysts expect RBI to continue to raise interest rates over the course of the year in an effort to combat inflation. While raising interest rates might help anchor inflation expectations and calm financial markets, this is bound to hurt the growth prospects of the economy. Given the fact much of the current inflation is on account of external supply side disruptions and their cascading effects, rather than the domestic economy overheating, there is a case for monetary policy being more pragmatic than unnecessarily hawkish.



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Even as attention in America has turned to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)’s raid on Donald Trump’s residence-cum-resort in Florida — the former President seems to have run off with top secret documents — the real political story of the last month is Joe Biden’s comeback.

Like the Barack Obama presidency was synonymous with health care, the Biden presidency may now well be associated with the Chips and Science Act and what, for political reasons, is called the Inflation Reduction Act. Both represent a massive State-led policy push to change the face of the American economy. The first seeks to address deficiencies vis-a-vis China; the second seeks to correct the dismal record in battling the climate. Add to it Biden’s earlier success in getting a bipartisan infrastructure bill and a pandemic relief bill passed — and those who reduce the president to only a subject of mockery may want to reconsider their views.

First, two caveats.

One, Biden’s popularity ratings remain dismal. His recent successes may not be enough to offset a defeat for the Democrats in the House of Representatives later this year. While gas prices have gone down, inflation remains a pressing concern for voters. There remains a growing chorus, including within the Democratic Party, for a different candidate in 2024 to take on the Republicans. Biden, who will be 82 in 2024, has said that he will contest again and appears to believe that if it is Trump on the other side, only he has the ability to defeat the former President.

Two, the FBI raid has galvanised Trump and his base, and forced even his critics within the Republican establishment to criticise the administration (though it was a Department of Justice, not a White House, operation). As details emerged of the nature of the classified documents that Trump walked away with, and the extreme-Right base began attacking the FBI, some elements of the Grand Old Party did try to step back. But it is always hard to know whether a potential crime weakens Trump, or makes him appear like a hero.

The problem for the Republicans is that the more the extreme base consolidates behind Trump, the more suburban voters and moderates move away from the party. Indeed, it is to polarise the election on exactly these lines that the Democrats, in an act which shatters their moral high ground and could politically boomerang, are actually spending money to support Trump-backed candidates in the Republican primaries for Senate and House seats; the calculation is that it will be easier to defeat them than moderate Republicans.

But despite these political and electoral uncertainties, Biden may well end up being a transformative President. Here is why.

The pandemic changed America’s strategic calculus. It brought home how decades of embracing China and weaving a complex web of economic interlinkages had made the United States (US) utterly dependent on its primary strategic adversary, or “peer-level competitor”, as official documents put it. External shocks often cause a reset in American industrial policy — it was the arrival of the World War II in Europe that led Franklin D Roosevelt to provide massive State investment and subsidies to industry to ramp up defence production to prepare for the war in quick time.

And it is a similar realisation of vulnerability that has led to a broad political consensus in favour of an atmanirbhar (self-reliant) America by offering massive State support to private industry. The Creating Helpful Incentives to Produce Semiconductors for America (CHIPS) and Science Act is a $280 billion legislation. It provides close to $53 billion for American semiconductor research, development, manufacturing and workforce development, including $39 billion in manufacturing incentives. Biden believes it will boost American competitiveness and reduce dependence, but its significance lies as much in the signalling — the US is not going to outsource its strategic sectors anymore, especially to China.

Similarly, what is called the Inflation Reduction Act is actually a combination of an energy and social care legislation. It commits $369 billion to curbing emissions and promoting green tech. Experts will continue to have a vigorous debate on whether the Act goes far enough in battling the climate crisis (it doesn’t, especially given America’s historic emissions). But the fact is that this is the US’s significant climate legislation, where money has been pumped into transforming incentives for producers and consumers across a range of sectors.

Put it all together and Biden and the Democrats finally have a story to tell this November. And it is on these lines: Donald Trump is reckless. He violated the Constitution on January 6 and has even stolen national secrets. If the Make America Great Again (MAGA) Republicans come to power, all your rights will be in jeopardy, just like abortion was struck down. We deliver. The Chips Act will bring back jobs and make us competitive. With the infra bill, we invested in your roads and bridges. We are lowering your health costs and battling the climate. And we have taken on Russia in Ukraine and China in the Indo-Pacific.

Whether this script is enough to offset the divisions caused by America’s culture wars, or the anger caused by inflation, or dispel the impression of a weak President is to be seen. But Joe Biden has shown that when you least expect it, the man who first became a Senator in 1972 can spring a political surprise.

The views expressed are personal



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On August 13, while felicitating the Indian athletes who participated in the 22nd Commonwealth Games in United Kingdom, Prime Minister (PM) Narendra Modi touched upon the role of the Tricolour as a driving force in fostering unity and pride. Addressing the athletes, the PM said that irrespective of the state, district, or village they belong to, their overwhelming desire is to perform their best for India. The PM pointed out that the Tricolour served as a protective shield for those stranded in Ukraine (and were evacuated under the flag). It became a symbol of protection and safety not only for Indians, but also for people of other countries who were evacuated from the battlefield by the Indian government.

Nations that celebrate together bond together. So, the role of festivals in acting as a strong bond, uniting the people of India, cannot be overstated. Moreover, national days such as Independence Day play a massive role in reminding us of the struggles and sacrifices our forefathers made to overthrow the British colonial empire. With the successful completion of the Har Ghar Tiranga (a Tricolour in every home) campaign between August 13 and 15, this is an opportune moment to analyse why the programme resonated with citizens.

Over the last few months, various ministries of the central government, state governments, local bodies, non-governmental organisations, self-help groups, private organisations and citizens have been working towards making the Har Ghar Tiranga, a Jan Bhagidari campaign — a national citizen’s movement — with maximum community participation. The role of governments has been that of facilitators — making appropriate changes to the flag code, ensuring the supply chain produces more than 200 million flags, and that these flags are available to every citizen. But it is the role of the citizen that needs to be acknowledged and applauded.

Indians are inherently patriotic, and our national flag evokes pride, respect, and love. At the same time, in a true democracy, people cannot be forced to celebrate events through unilateral government orders. Instead, people participate when they feel connected with the idea. Therefore, the success of Har Ghar Tiranga embodies the inherent patriotism of every Indian as symbolised in the Tiranga.

Most citizens believe that the government is empathetic and willing to do everything possible to provide basic infrastructure — toilets, housing, tap water, health care, roads, telecom, air and banking services. These are being provided not only in cities but across smaller towns and villages. The poor have seen that the government has put in its best efforts to ensure that the supply of food and basic amenities are not disrupted during the pandemic, and the world has acknowledged the Indian government’s handling of the pandemic as one of the best. Every Indian now knows that the government will do whatever it takes to protect them anywhere in the world, whether in Yemen or Ukraine.

At the same time, Indians are also aware that we have a government willing to acknowledge its shortcomings and work harder to address them. At no time since Independence have more Indians felt that the nation is heading in the right direction than today. Not surprisingly then, Har Ghar Tiranga evoked an outpouring of expression and a sense of immense pride in the country. Regardless of their economic status, there is an inherent sense of optimism among people that India can grow to be one of the world’s most developed countries, with economic prosperity reaching its millions.

India is a land of festivals that reflect the country’s diverse culture. Traditional Indian festivals such as Dussehra, Ganesh Chaturthi, Pongal, Bonalu, Diwali, Durga Puja, Chhath Puja and many others are celebrated by entire communities. Many of these festivals are celebrated over many days before culminating in a grand finale, during which time the community unitedly performs activities that bond them. We must also remember that this is done without significant government support and is a community initiative.

It is striking to note that across India, people adopted a similar approach to celebrating the Har Ghar Tiranga initiative. Drawing from their own lived experiences of celebrating our traditional festivals, the event evolved into a series of community-based activities and programmes. It became inclusive and had avenues for everybody to participate — debates, poster-making for children and students, bike rallies and flash mobs for the youth, and prabhat pheris (early morning rounds) and cultural programmes for adults and senior citizens. The Har Ghar Tiranga campaign tapped into the traditional community festival-based syntax and semantics of the Indian people and this is a crucial reason for its success.

Many people participated enthusiastically in the programme and adopted it as their own. From Kashmir to Kanyakumari, from Kibithu to Kutch, one could see the infectious energy and the sense of ownership with which India participated in the movement. This can be attributed to what the flag signifies to every Indian. It could mean different things to different people. It signifies opportunities and hope for a brighter tomorrow for the youth. It encourages and inspires sportspersons to push harder in pursuit of glory for the country. It sends a message to our soldiers that a country of 1.38 billion is behind them, and praying for their well-being. But all meaning eventually converges towards optimism and hope for the future of the country.

The government’s performance over the last eight years gave the Har Ghar Tiranga initiative much-needed credibility, and the PM’s call to reach out to millions of Indians, led to near-universal participation from all walks of life. As in the past, be it in the Give It Up Campaign where the PM urged people who do not require LPG subsidies to give them up or in asking Indians to pay their respects to the Covid-19 frontline workers, this time too, the aam janta (common people) responded positively to the PM’s clarion call with more than 60 million selfies with the Tricolour and almost near-universal participation. This made the celebration of India’s 75 years of Independence a true festival — of the Indian community, by the Indian community, and for the Indian community.

G Kishan Reddy is Union minister of culture, tourism and development of Northeastern Region and represents the Secunderabad Lok Sabha constituency.The views expressed are personal



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By the end of 2021, high-income countries (HIC) had vaccinated around 80% of their population for Covid-19. In contrast, the number in many low-income countries (LIC) stagnated in single digits. In September 2021, the World Health Organization (WHO) announced an ambitious target of achieving 70% global immunisation coverage by the middle of 2022 under the COVAX initiative. But problems in the rollout and supply chain nixed that goal.

While HICs made several pledges to donate vaccines to COVAX, the initiative repeatedly faltered in its ambitions, owing to quantitative and qualitative inadequacies in such donations. Médecins Sans Frontiers estimates that around a million deaths could have been pre-empted by mid-2022 if doses were optimally redistributed.

The monkeypox outbreak looks to be going the same way. It is triggering a knee-jerk response despite the learnings of Covid-19. The foremost vaccine candidate is the Modified Vaccinia Ankara (MVA), a milder smallpox vaccine, found to be effective against monkeypox by the United States’ National Institutes of Health in the aftermath of the 2003 outbreak. The manufacturer of MVA, Denmark-based Bavarian Nordic, faces a planned closure of its production unit until the end of 2022. Around 16 million vaccine doses are reportedly available worldwide, largely not in a ready-to-use form, but are already committed to the United States (US), Canada, and a few European countries. The US has reserved 88% of doses, owing to its investments in the vaccine’s development following the 2003 outbreak.

Against this backdrop, the US and Canada have embarked on vaccination programmes for their at-risk populations, which would entail deploying millions of limited doses in settings where such action is hard to argue for. Couple that with the still incomplete evidence of the vaccine’s full efficacy in human populations, and it shows that Covid-19 has only further stoked global conservatism in epidemic response. This is further exemplified by the case of Japan reportedly seeing its LC16 smallpox vaccine (another vaccine candidate) stockpiles as a national asset.

The knowledge that infectious diseases know no frontiers has repeatedly failed to assail the fortresses of politics, buried under economic, nationalist, and populist considerations. And Covid-19 has paradoxically fortified these fortresses. In turn, such narrow interests have culminated in trillions of dollars in losses worldwide, which haven’t spared HICs either.

While much is yet to be discovered, monkeypox generally presents as a self-limiting condition that only occasionally turns critical. While bearing epidemic potential, it appears to be far less transmissible and thus spreads slower than Covid-19. It is vaccine preventable, and unlike Covid-19, doesn’t present the need to develop vaccines from scratch, with the smallpox vaccine being 85% effective against it. Further, the DNA virus causing monkeypox is likely to be less susceptible to treacherous mutations that require reorganisation of entire vaccination and control strategies.

These traits imply that there is enough room for HICs to rethink the paradigm of outbreak response, keeping in view global equity and without taking hasty and reflexive decisions with only national interests in mind. Moreover, given the absence of a dire situation this time – at least at the moment – strong political leadership and optimal public health communication can take on nationalist and populist pressures, which have repeatedly repressed crucial global health equity concerns. This can set a desirable precedent for global health cooperation in the interest of HICs and LICs. Covid-19 was characterised by an iniquitous global scramble for vaccines based on market mechanisms, in which LICs had little scope to succeed. A good starting point could be to conceive of a much more robust, overarching mechanism for equitable distribution of global vaccines. Unless global health inequities are addressed, national health security will continue to be illusory, regardless of any amount of economic and political clout.

Soham D Bhaduri is a physician, health policy expert, and chief editor of The Indian Practitioner. The views expressed are personal



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Archana* was just 13 years old when she was trafficked from her village in West Bengal. Her trafficker was a neighbour who lived next door. After years of abuse, Archana thought her woes would end when she was rescued. But as the assault of the middle-men and customers ended, the assault of the system began. The process of availing the victim compensation fund is a challenge.

In the case of Tansee** (16 years old), the ordeal began when she wanted to pursue her education. Tansee was sold into a brothel located in Surat and was brutally raped every day before she was rescued. Forgetting the abuse and violence she suffered was not easy, but when she was brought back home, Tansee wanted to continue her schooling. When she was denied admission to the school, she was terribly sad. Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) along with the West Bengal State Commission for the Protection of Child Rights (WBSCPCR) had to intervene to get her readmitted to school.

Each year in India, a large number of minor girls and boys fall into the vicious cycle of human trafficking. Children are trafficked because of complex push-and-pull factors, including structural poverty, the climate crisis, gender discrimination, and human rights violations on the one hand, and the false promise of improved opportunities and a better life on the other. Recruitment occurs through strangers, middlemen familiar to communities, or relatives. The process may involve forcible kidnap, fraud and deception, including false promises around conditions of work and pay. Typically, parents are the targets, for they hand over the children to recruiters, sometimes in return for a small lump sum intended as part credit against the child’s future wages.

On occasion, however, children themselves voluntarily leave to escape from desperation at home and end up in situations of exploitation. About 1,714 cases of human trafficking were registered and identified 4,709 persons as victims by the government’s anti-human trafficking units in 2020 with sexual exploitation for prostitution, forced labour, and domestic servitude being the top reasons behind it, according to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data. The data also showed that the case conviction rate for human trafficking was 10.6%. These numbers are just the tip of the iceberg.

NCRB data also notes that 59,262 children went missing in India in 2020. With 48,972 children remaining untraced from the previous years, the total number of missing children has gone up to 108,234. According to a study by Reuters, out of an estimated 20 million commercial prostitutes in India, 16 million women and girls are victims of sex trafficking. According to Legal Services in India, every hour, four girls in India enter into prostitution, three of them against their will. The staggering numbers on child trafficking across various sources convey that it is possible that there are discrepancies and underreporting, and the data does not tell the full story. Rescuing is just the beginning of the major challenge on the road to recovery.

There is an urgent need to streamline and standardise the rehabilitation process, so that issues related to re-trafficking are addressed. While rescue, safety and physical rehabilitation are primary priorities, for survivors and victims of sex trafficking, there are several secondary issues which need urgent attention, such as trauma, the effects of alcohol and drug use, depression and other mental health ailments, which add to the psychological burden of trafficked victims.

17-year-old Jahar*** was trafficked at the age of nine and later rescued when she was 16 years old. Jahar does not know where she belongs as she lacked documentation, which meant that she could not even avail of compensation benefits.

In a 2020 RTI query, it was revealed that out of the 38,503 survivors of trafficking from the years 2011 to 2019, only 77 have got compensation. This reminds us that, it is pertinent for all government agencies to work together to ensure that the children's rescue and reintegration processes are planned and executed well.

Traffickers are using technology to gain efficiencies of scale, from online commercial sex marketplaces to complex internet-driven money laundering. We must also leverage technology to counter them. A centralised intelligence system that includes both police and non-police monitoring information and details of available regional resources is essential to rescue and reintegration success. It is important to strengthen a child’s integration back into the family and to support parents’ mentorship and acceptance of returned children.

As India celebrates 75 years of Independence, let us work towards unshackling victims of sex trafficking and paying heed to the unheard voices of survivors. As a country, we need to advocate for a robust anti-trafficking law, which should recognise the many factors that exacerbate vulnerability to trafficking, such as poverty, violence and discrimination, and work to remedy it. The role of the public, non-profits, enforcement agencies and international organisations cannot be over-emphasised in preventing this heinous crime. Mass awareness, massive public funding, and strict policies, along with coordinated enforcement, are the keys to fighting for their absolute freedom.

Joseph Wesley is head, anti-child trafficking programmes and case manager, Child and Adult Beneficiary Safeguarding, World Vision India

All names were changed to protect their privacy

The views expressed are personal



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The signals Sri Lanka is sending to India, one of its benefactors at a time of acute economic crisis, are confusing to the point of bewilderment. Having allowed Pakistan’s built-in-China naval ship Taimur to dock in Colombo last week, it permitted the Chinese spy ship Yuan Wang 5 to berth in Hambantota from Tuesday for “replenishment”. In between the visit of these two military vessels, India went ahead with the handing over of a Dornier reconnaissance aircraft as a gift to Sri Lanka.

The current President Ranil Wickremasinghe, a political survivor by definition in a long career, is heading, by default, a government that is in deep distress over its finances. It is a matter of conjecture whether such helplessness, to the extent of bankruptcy, precluded him from sticking to a stand he had first taken in asking the Chinese to defer the visit of the ship.  

The Yuan Wang 5, with a crew of 400 and its deck bristling with huge antennae, lasers and radar is capable of monitoring satellites and missiles and can even help in the launching of the latter. Its berthing in Sri Lanka’s southern port, which China virtually owns on a 99-year lease, by itself cannot be a major security threat as the ship was as capable of spying on India when in the waters and sailing to its first port of call after it left China on the day that Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled the island in July.

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For India, the showdown is about much more than a single naval vessel docking in its vicinity. It is China’s assertiveness in its promotion of infra projects in its Belt & Road initiative on land and sea that is worrisome as it fits the pattern of behaviour befitting the aggressive outlook of an authoritarian ruler. Strategically, China’s “string of pearls” connects Gwaddar in Pakistan through Djibouti in the Horn of Africa, the Kyaukphyu port on Myanmar’s Andaman coast, a naval base in Cambodia, and through Hong Kong to Shanghai. Hambantota in southern Sri Lanka is a logistically crucial jewel in this “string of pearls”.

China’s loud reaction to assumed pressure from India on Sri Lanka to get the visit of Yuan Wang 5 deferred to a less contentious time than the present when tensions are already boiling over Taiwan should be seen in India as needlessly provocative. China’s moves on Taiwan as well as its forcefulness in the Indo-Pacific may be owing to its internal economic problems caused by its strict zero Covid approach, towards which it also lowered interest rates recently. But the flexing of its military muscle in the Indian Ocean so close to home is more of a long-term concern for India.

Sri Lanka’s role in a strategic China-Pakistan-Lanka axis while seeking humanitarian aid from India and getting lines of credit close to $4 billion to buy food, medicines and fuel leads to suspicion over whether it is playing clever games. Ranil’s role in this does little to assuage concerns in his own people over whether he is a proxy for the Rajapaksa brothers. India’s actions in dealing with Sri Lanka despite the provocations in its dealing with China and Pakistan have been even handed. It is moot whether they will remain so in the face of a naval vessel visiting the island after eight years.



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The latest round of tensions triggered by communal elements in the Shivamogga district of Karnataka highlights the fact that vested interests can still vitiate occasions of national importance and turn them into opportunities to spread hate. 

Reason has nothing to do with communal hatred, and Shivamogga is no exception. When one section of the people recently objected to a uniform prescribed for students, the other suddenly turned belligerent instead of letting courts or the authorities decide the matter. They donned something else calling it their own.

The same game is being replayed now by the same set of players. When one section wanted the portraits of their leaders to be part of the Independence Day show in town, the others, objecting to it, brought out their own icons. The police had to intervene and remove even the national flag to defuse the situation.

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It is not logic and fairness but one-upmanship and whataboutery that influence such discussions. It is not that those who advance such fallacies do not know they will not win the argument with them. They do not want to win the argument at all in the first place. Instead, they want to please and instigate their own camp followers.

It is a zero sum game for a society to reduce its members to their religious identities. Such games will forever stop the right thinking people from searching for solutions to issues that plague humanity. It is what the communal elements on all sides want as then they get to set the agenda. The government must put down such forces with an iron hand.



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A leading Danish politician used to say that thanks to its Indian experience, Britain was too colonially cosmopolitan to be comfortable as a part of Europe. Ukraine, in contrast, has no international dimension to speak of, so that the replacement of one by the other in the European Union might make for greater clarity in the emerging world order.

Of course, it is not certain that the EU will find that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s beleaguered government meets all the conditions for membership that the European Council stipulated in 1993. But unlike Britain, Ukraine, which feels that it has paid in blood for membership, sees Europe as its political and cultural home. Russia’s brutal invasion has only strengthened that conviction. Even if their survival owes much to British and American military assistance, Ukrainians know they have more in common with their EU neighbours than with Britain or the United States.

Ukraine is therefore likely to play a much more active role in deepening the integration that the British saw as the Brussels bureaucracy’s stranglehold. Supported by former Warsaw Pact members like Poland and being dependent on agriculture and manufacturing, Ukraine presents a contrast to Britain’s economy. It might help to change not just the EU’s character and composition but also its relations with the other major players, notably the United States, China and Russia, as European governments and the US look for fresh alliances for an uncertain future.

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China, too, is planning for the future. The furore over the visit to Taiwan by US House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi is a reminder that the military power of a rising China willing to use force to further its global ambitions cannot be ignored. The fireworks also warned that the US and China are competing for spheres of influence all over the world, while the controversy over the dual-purpose Chinese naval research vessel, Yuan Wang 5, docking at Sri Lanka’s Hambantota Port reminds us that China is embroiled in other rivalries as well.

What is not clear is how far the US is prepared to go in opposing Chinese assertiveness. The first in several military showdowns over Taiwan was in January 1950, three months after the Communist victory in China’s civil war, when President Harry Truman declared that the United States would not intervene militarily to help the defeated Kuomintang forces which had fled to Taiwan.

Mao Zedong, who was already preparing an invasion, probably desisted only because the Korean war erupted that year, prompting Truman to change tack, backing South Korea and ordering the Seventh Fleet to defend Taiwan. Four years later, when Chinese forces attacked some of Taiwan’s outlying islands, American officials threatened nuclear strikes to force Mao to back down again.

All this changed in February 1972 when President Richard Nixon’s seven-day visit to China with Henry Kissinger and their meetings with Mao and Zhou Enlai made history. But it was not any statesmanlike instinct that produced that dramatic outcome. Far from being inspired by any lofty concern for global harmony or posterity’s welfare, they sought only to isolate and neutralise America’s sole -- and then formidable -- rival on the world stage. The Soviet Union also happened to be the mentor that China had outgrown and intensely resented.

It’s a moot point whether similar steps will now be taken again for less selfish and more humanitarian reasons. The Covid-19 pandemic demonstrated with tragic vividness that only a collective effort can ensure man’s survival.

That inter-dependence is even more vital when it comes to controlling carbon emissions, sharing resources, regulating markets or addressing the many challenges that obstruct sustainable growth. The nation-state is a convenient political and administrative entity; but it is not always the optimal unit for economic growth. South Asians have forgotten, for instance, that India, Pakistan and Bangladesh comprise a single whole in matters like water management. Nor would Britain have exulted in Brexit if parochial concerns had not taken precedence over greater transnational needs. Now, it seems that Europe, struggling to rise above the limitations of the Westphalian legacy of nation states, might become a playground for American and Chinese ambitions.

The US-China honeymoon soured years ago as Beijing’s military might appeared to threaten US global supremacy. The Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 was a first warning since Washington severed diplomatic ties with Taipei in 1972. Then came President Donald Trump’s 2018 Taiwan Travel Act and visits to the island by high US state and commerce department officials.

Geography and history having endowed Europe with different interests in Asia, China may be seen as a partner for cooperation, economic competitor, or even as a systemic rival, but not quite an enemy. Some anxieties about Chinese investment have not been allowed to prevent substantial inroads into property, infrastructure and public utilities. Europeans also know they must live with Russia: it is not for them the bogey against whom the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation was created to, in the words of the first secretary-general, “keep the Soviet Union out, the Americans in, and the Germans down”. North Africa and West Asia have also engaged Europe for centuries.

Europeans with this heritage may not enthusiastically support the US in  economic and military strategies to contain China. They look askance at the Quad and its nuclear-armed inner core, Aukus, which is designed to reduce the scope for Chinese operations in the Indo-Pacific region. They feel that even the US can gain more by befriending than obstructing China.

Reports about the consequences of severing supply chains for the  semiconductor chips that run everything nowadays from iPhones to cars to medical devices warn that a military conflict between China’s rapidly modernising People’s Liberation Army and American forces could be devastating.

Other surveys show that without cheap Chinese shoes, ready-mades, plastics, electronics and other household goods, American living costs would go up substantially, with horrendous effects on all other costs.

With its multiple domestic problems, falling household income, trade deficit with the EU, overstretched health service and high public deficit, Britain’s exit may not be a great loss for Europe. The loss is more in quality.

Nor may Ukraine’s membership compensate in material terms. But at least it will not lead the EU into one military adventure after another in the wake of a United States that simply cannot stop invading Asian countries.



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