Editorials

Home > Editorials

Editorials - 02-01-2022

மரபான உணவுப் பயிரான நெல் உற்பத்தியிலிருந்து காலனியத்துக்குக் கொள்ளை லாபம் தரும் பணப்பயிர் உற்பத்திக்கு மாறியதால், உலகெங்கும் உழைப்பு சக்தி தேவை உருவாக்கப்பட்டது. ரப்பர் தோட்டம், தேயிலைத் தோட்டம், காபித் தோட்டம், கரும்புத் தோட்டம் போன்றவற்றுக்கு மட்டுமல்லாமல், சுரங்கத் தொழில், இருப்புப் பாதை அமைத்தல், காட்டை அழித்து வசிப்பிடமாக்குதல் என்று 19-ம் நூற்றாண்டில் ஆங்கிலேய காலனிய காலத்தில் தமிழர்கள் நெருக்கடிக்கு ஆளாக்கப்பட்டுப் புலம்பெயர்ந்தனர்.

மொரீஷியஸ் தீவுக்கு ஆய்வுக்காகப் போயிருந்தபோது ஒரு செய்தியைக் கேட்டு அதிர்ந்துபோனேன். வலிமையான உடற்கட்டுள்ள தமிழர்களைக் கப்பலில் இறக்கும்போதே ஒரு ரூபாய்க்கு (கூடுதல் விலைக்கு) வாங்கிக்கொள்கிறோம் என்று போட்டிபோட்டுச் சந்தையில், கூவிக் கூவி ஏலத்தில் விற்பது போன்ற நிலை அப்போது இருந்திருக்கிறது.

இலங்கை மலையகம், பர்மா, மலேசியா, சிங்கப்பூர், இந்தோனேசியா, தாய்லாந்து, ஜாவா, சுமத்ரா, வியட்நாம், கம்போடியா, டிரினிடாட், ஜமைக்கா, ரியூனியன், மொரீஷியஸ், பிரெஞ்சு கயானா, ஆஸ்திரேலியா, அமெரிக்கா, ஆப்பிரிக்கா எனத் தமிழர்கள் கண்டம்விட்டுக் கண்டம் தாவுகின்ற வாழ்வைக் கொண்டிருந்தார்கள். இப்படிச் சென்றவர்கள் அங்கேயே ஐந்தாறு தலைமுறைகளாகத் தங்கி, அந்தந்த அரசுகளின் குடியுரிமையைப் பெறுவதற்கு எத்தனையோ போராட்டங்களை நடத்தி ரத்தம் சிந்தினார்கள். மின்கம்பத்தில் கட்டிவைத்து சுட்டுக் கொல்லப்பட்டும், மலேரியா காய்ச்சலுக்கு உள்ளாகியும், விஷஜந்துக்கள் தாக்கியும், பயணத்தின்போது நோய்கள் தாக்கியும், கடின உழைப்புத் தண்டனையாலும் இறந்துபோனவர்கள் ஏராளம். லயன்/ கம்பம் போன்ற வீடுகளில் அவர்கள் தங்கவைக்கப்பட்டுக் கல்வி, சுகாதாரம் என்று எந்த அடிப்படை வசதிகளும் பேணப்படாமல், மனித உரிமைகள் சார்ந்து சிறிதும் அக்கறை காட்டாமல் அவர்கள் கொத்தடிமைகள்போல நடத்தப்பட்ட காலம் அது.

இலங்கையின் மலையகத்துக்குப் புலம்பெயர்ந்தபோது வழி தெரியாத சூழலில், விஷஜந்துக்களும் வனவிலங்குகளும் தாக்கக்கூடிய இருள்சூழ் புதர்மண்டிய அந்த அடர்காடுகளில் நாங்கள் பயணிக்கிறபோது, அங்கங்கே வழிநெடுகிலும் கிடந்த எலும்புக் கூடுகளை வழித்தடமாகக் கண்டு, நாங்கள் பயணப்பட்டோம்; அந்த அளவுக்கு முன்னால் சென்ற மனிதர்கள் பலரது உயிரைப் பறிகொடுத்த பயணமாக, அது அமைந்திருந்தது என்றெல்லாம் எழுதுகிறார்கள். இலங்கை மலையகத்தைப் பொறுத்தவரை தஞ்சாவூரிலிருந்து போன நடேசய்யர் தொழிற்சங்கம் அமைத்து, மலையகத் தமிழர்களுக்காகப் பாடுபட்டிருக்கிறார். இன்று பச்சைப் பசும்பரப்பாய் விரிந்து பரந்திருக்கும் மலைக்காட்சிக்குக் கீழே புதையுண்ட வரலாறும் வாசிக்கப்பட வேண்டும். காலையில் நாம் சுடச் சுடப் பருகுவது தேநீரும் காபியும் மட்டும் அல்ல; மலையகத் தமிழர்களின் ரத்தமும்தான் என்று தனது ஆவணப் படத்தில் கூறுகிறார் தவமுதல்வன்.

மலேசியாவில், சிங்கப்பூரில், ‘புயலிலே ஒருதோணி’ நாவலில் சொல்லுகிற பல்வேறு நாடுகளில் படக்கூடிய பாடுகள், அ.ரங்கசாமி எழுதிய ‘நினைவுச்சின்னம்’ (சயாம் மரண ரயில்) நாவலில் சொல்லப்படும் இருப்புப் பாதை பணியின்போது நிகழ்த்தப்பட்ட கொடூரங்களின் வரலாறு போன்றவை சொல்ல முடியாத துயரம் செறிந்தவை. வீரம் செறிந்த போராட்டங்களையும், போராளி மாவீரன் மலேயா கணபதி கொல்லப்பட்டது போன்ற பேரிழப்புகளையும் கண்டிருக்கிறது தமிழ்ச் சமூகம். ரப்பர் தோட்டத் தொழிலிலும் அவர்கள் பட்டபாடு குறித்து ‘நாடு விட்டு நாடு’ நூலில், முத்தம்மாள்பழனிசாமி எழுதுகிறார். நோய்வாய்ப்படுதல், பாலியல் வன்கொடுமை, குடும்ப வன்முறைகள் என்று துயரங்களின் பட்டியல் நீள்கிறது.

கறுப்பு ஜூலைக்குப் பிறகு, ஈழத் தமிழர்கள் உலகெங்கிலும் சிதறடிக்கப்பட்டிருக்கிறார்கள். மொழி, நிற, இன, அரசியல், கால நிலை, பண்பாட்டு முறிவுகள் என எல்லாவற்றையும் எதிர்கொண்டு நிமிர்கிற வரலாறு அவர்கள் வரலாறு.

இப்படியான சூழல்களில் இன்றைக்குத் தமிழர் வரலாற்றை எழுதினால், அது உலகத் தமிழர் வரலாறாக விரியும். கிட்டத்தட்ட நான்கில் ஒரு பங்கினர் எனும் அளவுக்கு அயல் புலங்களில் வாழும் தமிழர்கள் குறித்து, 25 ஆண்டு காலமாக ஆராய்ச்சியில் ஈடுபட்டுவருகிற ஒரு ஆராய்ச்சியாளராக, ஒரு கல்வியாளராக 2012-ல் நான் அளித்த ஆய்வறிக்கையில் வெளிநாடுகளில் வாழும் தமிழர்களுக்கென்று அவர்களின் நலன் பேணும் அமைச்சகம் ஒன்றை உருவாக்க வேண்டும் என்கிற ஒரு பரிந்துரையை நான் முன்வைத்திருந்ததை இப்போது நினைவுகூர்கிறேன்.

தமிழ்நாட்டு முதல்வர், வெளிநாடு வாழ் தமிழர் நலன் பேண ஒரு அமைச்சர், புலம்பெயர் தமிழர் நலவாரியம் என புதிய முன்னெடுப்புகளைச் செய்திருக்கிறார். மனிதநேயத்தை விரும்பும் எல்லா தமிழர்களுடைய கனவுகளும் பலித்திருப்பதைப் போல இதை உணர முடிகிறது. உலக நாடுகளில் நீண்ட காலமாகத் தமிழ் கற்கை இருக்கைகள், ஆய்வுகள் தேங்கியிருப்பதையும் இதன் தொடர்ச்சியாக இனி புத்துயிர்க்கச் செய்யலாம். பாரதி சொன்ன, ‘கேட்டிருப்பாய் காற்றே அவர் விம்மி விம்மி விம்மி அழும் கதை’ இனி மாறும் என நம்புவோம்.

- தென்னவன் வெற்றிச்செல்வன், புலம்பெயர் தமிழர் குறித்த ஆய்வாளர். தமிழ்ப் பல்கலைக்கழக, அயல் நாட்டுத் தமிழ்க் கல்வித் துறை உதவிப் பேராசிரியர்.

தொடர்புக்கு: vetripoet@gmail.com



Read in source website

அம்பை எழுதிய ‘சிவப்புக் கழுத்துடன் ஒரு பச்சைப் பறவை’ சிறுகதைத் தொகுப்புக்காக 2021-ம் ஆண்டுக்கான சாகித்ய அகாடமி விருது வழங்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. தமிழில் இந்த விருதைப் பெறும் நான்காவது பெண் இவர். பொதுவாக அங்கீகாரம் குறித்தோ பேட்டிகள், விருதுகள் குறித்தோ கவலைப்படாதவர் அம்பை.

அம்பைக்கு முன்னும் பின்னும் பெண்கள் பலர் எழுதாமல் இல்லை. ஆனால், அம்பை எல்லாவற்றிலுமிருந்து விலகித் தனித்துவப் பாதையைத் தேர்ந்துகொண்டவர். பெண்களைப் பற்றியும் குடும்பத்துக்குள் பெண்களின் இருப்புப் பற்றியும் சிலர் எழுதிக் கடந்த நிலையில் அம்பையும் அதைத்தான் கைகொண்டார். ஆனால், பார்வை வேறு; கோணம் வேறு. சமூகக் கருத்துகள் நிறைந்த எழுத்து என்கிற முத்திரை எதையும் அவர் எழுத்துகள் அடிக்கோடிட்டுக் காட்டவோ கோரவோ இல்லை. ஆனால், கதைக்குள்ளும் அதைக் கட்டமைக்கும் சொற்களுக்குள்ளும் அந்த வித்தையை நேர்த்தியாகச் செயல்படுத்தினார்.

அறுபதுகளின் பின்பகுதியில் பெண்களுக்குப் பளீரென்ற விடியல் வாய்த்துவிடவில்லை. சமையல் குறிப்புகளை எழுதுவதும் குடும்பச் சித்திரங்களை வாசிப்பதும் பெரும் சாதனையாகக் கருதப்பட வேண்டிய சூழலில்தான் சி.எஸ். லஷ்மி, அம்பையாக மாறிய வெளிப்பாடு நிகழ்ந்தது. குடும்பச் சித்திரங்களுக்குள் புதைந்திருந்த பிற்போக்குத்தனத்தைச் சுட்டிக்காட்டியவர்களும் அதில் மீறலை நிகழ்த்தியவர்களும் உண்டுதான் என்கிறபோதும் நவீன இலக்கியத்தில் அம்பை நிகழ்த்திய உடைப்பு முக்கியமானது.

சிறகுகளுக்கு என்ன வேலை?

பெண்ணின் அறிவை, தெளிவை, அவை புறக்கணிக்கப்படும் பேதமையை எளிமையாகவும் எள்ளலோடும் சொன்னார் அம்பை. தன்னைப் பற்றிப் பெண் வரைகிற சித்திரம் அனைத்தும் பெண்ணியப் படைப்பு ஆகிவிடாது. நுண்ணுணர்வும் அரசியல் தெளிவும் கைகூடிவருபவையே காலத்தைத் தாண்டி நிற்கும். அந்த வகையில் பீறிட்டுப் பாய்ந்த பெண்ணிய எழுத்துக்கு அம்பையே முன்னோடி.

கணவன், மனைவி உறவுக்குள் மனைவி என்பவள் கணவன் கையாளக் கிடைத்த பொருளாகவே இருப்பதை 1972-ல் வெளியான இவரது ‘சிறகுகள் முறியும்...’ சிறுகதை உணர்த்தியது. தோற்றப் பொருத்தம் இல்லை என்கிற அம்மாவின் கருத்தைப் புறந்தள்ளி உடல் பருத்த பாஸ்கரனை மணந்துகொண்டாள் சாயா. தமிழ்த் திரைப்படக் கதாநாயகனாக அவனை வரித்துக்கொண்டு கனவுகள் கண்டவளை, திருமணம் வேறொரு உலகத்துக்கு அழைத்துச் சென்றது. அவள் கனவில் கண்ட பாஸ்கரன் அல்ல அவன். இப்போது தமிழ்ப் படக் கதாநாயகன் செத்துத் தொலையட்டும் பாவி, வாழ்ந்து என்ன ஆகப்போகிறது என்கிற மனநிலைக்கு வந்துவிட்டாள். ‘ஆண்கள் உடம்பெல்லாம் வயிறாக, மார்புச் சதை தொங்க ஊதக் கூடாது, மென்மையே இல்லாத ஆண்களுக்குக் குழந்தையே பிறக்கக் கூடாது என்று கட்டாய வாஸக்டமி செய்துவிட வேண்டும்’ என்று மனத்துக்குள் ஆயிரமாயிரம் சட்டங்களை இயற்றுகிறாள். கட்டுகள் ஏதுமின்றி நிச்சலமான அமைதியில் சிறகுகள் அசைய வேண்டும் என நினைக்கிறாள் சாயா.

இந்தியாவின் பெரும்பான்மையான இந்துப் பெண்களின் நிலை என்னவோ அதுதான் சாயாவின் நிலையும். அம்பை இந்தக் கதையை எழுதி நாற்பது ஆண்டுகள் ஆன பின்னும் பெரிதாக எந்த மாற்றமும் நிகழ்ந்துவிடவில்லை. வாழ்க்கை நவீனப்பட்டிருக்கிறதே தவிர குடும்ப அமைப்புக்குள் பெண்கள் எதிர்கொள்ளும் நெருக்கடிகள் புதுப்புது வடிவம் எடுத்திருக்கின்றன.

கற்களும் முட்களும் சூழ்ந்த பாதை

தமிழகம் தாண்டி வெவ்வேறு நிலத்தின் வாழ்க்கையை, மனிதர்களை, அங்கே நிலவும் அரசியலைக் கதைகளின் வழியாகப் பதிவுசெய்தவர் அம்பை. மனிதர்களும் சூழலும் மாறுகின்றனவே ஒழிய பெண்ணின் மீது திணிக்கப்படும் நிர்ப்பந்தங்களிலும் கற்பிதங்களிலும் பெரிதாக எந்த மாற்றமும் இல்லை என்பதையும் அவரது கதைகளில் நாம் உணரலாம். ஆய்வுப் படிப்புக்குத் தயாராகிற பெண்கள் பேராசிரியர்களால் நடத்தப்படுகிற விதத்துக்கு ‘த்ரிசங்கு’ அஞ்சனாவும் சாட்சி. இப்போது வாசிக்கும்போது ‘#மீடூ’ நினைவுக்கு வருகிறது.

அப்பாவின் செயலால் ஏற்பட்ட அவமானம் உடலெங்கும் புழுக்களாக நெளிய, கல்வியின் மூலம் அனைத்தையும் கடக்க நினைக்கிறாள் அஞ்சனா. அச்சமும் தாழ்வுமனப்பான்மையும் வதைத்தெடுக்க, பக்கத்தில் இருக்கும் மாணவனிடம் சிகரெட்டைப் பற்றவைத்துப் புகையை ஊதுகிற பெண்களின் தன்னம்பிக்கையில் அதிர்ந்துபோகிற அஞ்சனா, இன்றைக்கும் உயர் கல்வி என்பது கனவாக நிலைத்துவிடுகிற பெண்களை நினைவூட்டுகிறாள். ஹிதாவும் ஆராய்ச்சி மாணவிதான். கௌதமனோடு சேர்ந்து வாழ்கிறாள். ஹிதாவுக்குப் புரட்சி மேல், அதனுள் ஒளிந்திருக்கும் போலித்தன்மையின் மேல் விமர்சனம் உண்டு (சக்கர நாற்காலி). பெண்ணின் அறிவை அவ்வளவு எளிதாக இந்தச் சமூகம் அறிவென்று ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளாது. அசட்டுக் களை என்றே பட்டம்சூட்டும் என்றாலும் ஹிதாவைப் போன்ற விதிவிலக்குகள் ஜெயிக்கிறார்கள் என்று முடிக்கிறார் அம்பை. ஆனால், அந்த நிலையைக் கடந்துவர அவர்கள் எவ்வளவு கற்களை அகற்றி, முட்களை விலக்க வேண்டியுள்ளது என்பதையும் சேர்த்துதான் அம்பை எழுதுகிறார்.

சமையலறை என்னும் சிறை

நாற்பது வருடங்களாகத் தோசை சுட்டுக்கொண்டிருக்கும் அண்ணிக்கு (வெளிப்பாடு), தான் அதுவரை சுட்ட தோசைகளின் எண்ணிக்கை இரண்டு லட்சத்தைத் தாண்டும் என்று தெரியாது. அது தெரிந்திருந்தால் எந்நேரமும் இட்லி, வடை, அப்பம், பொரியல், குழம்பு என்று அடுக்களைக்குள்தான் தன் ராஜ்ஜியம் என்று கோலோச்சி மகிழ்ந்திருக்க மாட்டாள். “பொம்பளைக பத்தி எளுத என்ன இருக்கு?” என்று வெள்ளந்தியாகக் கேட்டிருக்க மாட்டாள். “புள்ள பெறுதோம். ஆக்கிப் போடுதோம். இதுக்கு நடுவுல ரோசிச்சோம் போங்க” என்று சொல்லிவிட்டு மௌனமாகச் சாப்பிட்டிருக்க மாட்டாள். சமையலறை தாண்டி வெளியுலகம் அறியாத இருபது வயது சந்திராவுக்குத் திருமணம் ஆனதும், ‘தெருல நடக்குணும், தெனம் ஓட்டல்ல பலகாரம் சாப்பிடணும், கடைக்குப் போய் நானே பொடவை எடுக்கணும், சினிமா போகணும், நெறைய ஊர் பாக்கணும்’ என்று சின்ன சின்ன ஆசைகள். ஆனால், கைநீட்டாத கணவன் வாய்க்க வேண்டுமே என்கிற பதற்றத்தை நமக்குக் கடத்திவிடுகிறார் அம்பை.

டெல்லியிலிருந்து திருநெல்வேலிக்குத் தனியாக பயணம் செய்கிறவளுக்கு அளிக்கப்படும் பாதுகாப்பு, அடக்குமுறைதானே. ‘என் கரிசனத்தைப் பார். எவ்வளவு அக்கறை பார் எனக்கு’ என்கிற கவனிப்பு இம்சைதானே. பெண்ணால் முடியாது என்று திரும்ப திரும்ப நிரூபிக்கிற எத்தனம்தானே. பெரும் நிறுவனங்களின் தலைமைப் பொறுப்பில் பெண்கள் அமர்ந்துவிட்டார்கள் என்பதற்காகப் பெண்ணுக்கு விடிந்துவிட்டது என்று பொருள் இல்லை. சமையலறை இல்லாத வீடு ஏது? அதைத்தான் அம்பை தன் கதைகளின் மூலமாக நுட்பமாகப் பதிவுசெய்கிறார்.

உடல் மீது ஏற்றப்படும் சுமை

ஆணுக்கு உடல் என்பது உடல் மட்டுமே. பெண்ணுக்கு அது பெரும்சுமை என நினைக்க வைக்கிறது இந்தச் சமூகம். அம்பையின் ‘வீட்டின் மூலையில் ஒரு சமையலறை’ எக்காலத்துக்குமான கதை. எப்போதும் தண்ணீர் ஊறியிருக்கும் சமையலறையிலிருந்து சற்றே ஆசுவாசம் பெறும் எண்ணத்தில் மலையைப் பார்க்க நினைத்தால் துணி மறைக்கிறது என்கிறாள் மருமகள். உடனே ஒன்றுக்கு இரண்டு கொடிகளில் துணி உலர்த்தப்படுகிறது. குடும்பத்துடன் ஏரிக்குப் போவதற்காக மருமகள்கள் அதிகாலையில் எழுந்து சமைத்து, வியர்வை மழையில் ரவிக்கை ஒட்டிக்கொண்டு எண்ணெய்ப் புகை கண்ணில் படிய, முழுத் தூக்கம் இல்லாமல் கனம் ஏறிய இமைகளோடு இருக்க, மாமனாரோ, “ஏரிக்குப் போகலாம் என்றதுமே உற்சாகம் பொத்துக்கொண்டுவிடுமே உங்களுக்கு?” என்கிறார். ஆண், பெண்ணைப் புரிந்துகொள்வது இந்த லட்சணத்தில்தான். ஆண்கள் ஏரியை ரசிக்க, பெண்களோ பக்கோடாவும் பஜ்ஜியும் பொரித்துத் தள்ளினார்கள். எவ்வளவு பெரும்பேறு என்று அம்பை எழுதுகையில் அவமானமும் குற்றவுணர்வும் ஏற்படாத மனங்களில் ஆணாதிக்கம் குடிகொண்டிருக்கிறது எனப் பொருள்.

வரலாற்று ஆவணம்

வன்முறை என்பது அடித்து நொறுக்குவது மட்டுமே என்று ஒற்றைத் தன்மையுடன் புரிந்துகொண்டிருந்த மனங்களில், நுட்பமான வன்முறையின் வடிவங்களைத் தெளிவுபடுத்தினார் அம்பை. காலந்தோறும் பெண்கள் அடைந்திருக்கும் மாற்றங்களைச் சொல்லிக்கொண்டு அவர்கள் மீதான வன்முறைகளையும் அடக்குமுறைகளையும் பதிவுசெய்தார். வன்முறையை ஆண்தான் நிகழ்த்த வேண்டும் என்பதில்லை; பெண்ணின் வழியாகச் செயல்படுத்தப்படும் வன்முறையையும் அவர் சுட்டிக்காட்டினார். குடும்ப அமைப்புக்குள் குழந்தைகள் மீது நிகழ்த்தப்படும் பாலியல் வன்முறையைக் கவனப்படுத்தும்விதத்தில் அம்பை எழுதிய ‘மைமல் பொழுது’ (அந்தேரி மேம்பாலத்தில் ஒரு சந்திப்பு) குடும்ப கௌரவத்தின் பெயரால் நாம் இழைக்கிற அநீதியைக் கவனப்படுத்தியது. மூப்பின் காரணமாக ஒருவரைப் புறக்கணிப்பதும் கைவிடுவதும் வன்முறைதான் என்பதையும் சுட்டிக்காட்ட அம்பை தவறவில்லை. பெண்ணின் உடல் மீது ஏற்றிவைக்கப்பட்டிருக்கும் சுமைகளைப் புனைவாக மட்டுமல்லாமல், கட்டுரைகளாகவும் பதிவுசெய்திருக்கிறார் (உடலெனும் வெளி).

பெண்களின் வரலாற்றைப் பதிவுசெய்யும் நோக்கில் ‘ஸ்பாரோ’ (SPARROW-Sound and Pictures Archives for Research on Women) என்கிற பெண்கள் ஆவணக் காப்பகத்தை நிறுவி, அதன் இயக்குநராகவும் செயல்பட்டு வருகிறார் அம்பை. குரல் நெரிக்கப்பட்டு, ஒதுக்கிவைக்கப்பட்ட பெண்களின் அனுபவங்களுக்கு குரலும் மொழியும் அளித்து அவர்களின் வரலாற்றை ஆவணப்படுத்துவது இந்த அமைப்பின் முக்கியப் பணி. இந்த அமைப்பின் சார்பில் படைப்பாளிகளுக்கு விருதும் வழங்கப்படுகிறது.

அம்பையை வாசித்தல் என்பதும் பெண்ணை இன்னும் அணுக்கமாக, நெருக்கமாக உணர்ந்து பாலினச் சமத்துவத்தை நோக்கி நம்மை நாமே அழைத்துச் செல்வதற்கான செயல்பாடு. அவை கதைகள் மட்டுமே அல்ல; காலத்தைத் தாங்கி நிற்கும் வரலாற்றுப் பதிவுகளும்தாம்!

-பிருந்தா சீனிவாசன்,
தொடர்புக்கு: brindha.s@hindutamil.co.in



Read in source website

A lawyer writes: The predicament of MoC whose rejection of renewal of FCRA registration ought to entail communication of reasons, stated in media to be “for not meeting eligibility conditions” and over “adverse inputs”, must meet the test of fairness of due process of law.

The iconic message, “as long as you did it to one of these My least brethren, you did it to Me,” of the Missionaries of Charity (MoC), says it all. A religious congregation established in 1950 by Mother Teresa, it reportedly has 5167 religious sisters serving in 139 countries in 760 homes, 244 of which are in India. MoC runs homes for handicapped, lepers, disabled, orphaned, blind, aged, addicts the poor and homeless. Sisters of MoC take vows of chastity, poverty, obedience and to give “wholehearted free service to the poorest of poor.” MoC is in a dilemma.

Renewal of its registration with the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, 2010 (FCRA), permitting it to receive foreign funding has not been approved, leaving it in doldrums. Annual foreign receipts of MoC are said to be around Rs. 75 crores currently. The Union Home Ministry has in “public interest” extended validity of registration of FCRA registered NGOs not renewed till December 31. However, MoC gets no relief.

FCRA, originally enacted in 1976, was sought to regulate foreign contributions consistent with values of a sovereign democratic republic. The new FCRA 2010 regulates utilisation of foreign contribution to prohibit activities detrimental to national interest. FCRA contains a well oiled regulatory procedure for grant of registration and provides for making reasoned orders for rejection, if prejudicially affecting sovereignty and integrity of India, public interest, security and economic interest, harmony between castes and communities, among other grounds. Suspension of pending registration after recording reasons in writing, cancellation after enquiry upon reasonable opportunity of hearing, audit of accounts, inspection, search and seizure are well enshrined in FCRA. Non-renewal of FCRA registration requires reasons. Cancellation of FCRA registration is appealable to the High Court. However, rejection orders of non-renewal by the Central Government are not appealable; they can be subject to revision by the central government alone.

The predicament of MoC whose rejection of renewal of FCRA registration ought to entail communication of reasons, stated in media to be “for not meeting eligibility conditions” and over “adverse inputs”, must meet the test of fairness of due process of law. A fair hearing by an adjudicatory authority to provide equality of law and ensure equal protection of laws, is the hallmark of justice. A revision petition of such punitive orders before the Central Government against an order of the Central Government, does not meet the test of law. However, Constitution of India steps in to provide judicial review.

Supreme Court in landmark judgments has held that administrative decisions, contractual or statutory between parties over decades, must entail procedures which are reasonable fair and just. Judicial review applies to prevent arbitrariness or favoritism, when contractual powers are exercised by the government. Illegality or irrationality of a decision, procedural judicial impropriety or violation of fundamental rights, invites gourt intervention in writ jurisdiction. The anvil is fairness, equality, justice and non discrimination.

We are a sovereign, socialist, secular, democratic republic providing freedom of conscience besides free profession, practice and propagation of religion subject to public order, morality and health. India has no state religion. Constitution guarantees religious denominations, freedom to manage religious affairs and right of minorities to establish and administer educational institutions.

In this time and realm today, MoC with its benevolent and life saving acts of providing homes, shelter, care to the have-nots are religion free. Thousands of dependents of MoC fully reliant on it for survival cannot be left at lurch. Not renewing the registration at the pinnacle of its expiry only goes to indicate intentions of the government which may require judicial introspection. The process of non-renewal itself, if bereft of legitimate reasons, may require a judicial eye. Procedure is a handmaiden of justice. Soul searching of implementation of process of law requires that any interpretation which eludes substantial justice, deserves to be set aside. It is arbitrary and discriminatory.

In a scenario where religious tolerance is beginning to find weak feet, the purse ought not to be tweaked for crippling humanitarian causes of religious denominations. The compassionate good must outweigh political scores. MoC as an institution has always achieved international fame. If the FCRA registration of MoC requires investigation, a fair process of law ought to be followed for review. Using the long arm of law administratively to cripple its working by subverting the process of justice, will defeat public good and cause irreparable harm to those surviving in the institutions of MoC on charity. It may be in order if the FCRA is used as a crutch and not as a weapon to cripple. Charity has humanity only, and no religion caste or creed. It cannot be disabled.



Read in source website

The fact is that governments have become more authoritarian since 2014. As an inevitable consequence, the police — and the Armed Forces when deployed for internal security — have become more authoritarian.

In the wake of the terror attacks on Mumbai city in end-November 2008, I was requested to move from the Ministry of Finance to the Ministry of Home Affairs. I confess I was reluctant to do so because I had nurtured the hope that I will complete five years as Minister of Finance in May 2009. However, I quickly realised that it was a call to duty that I was bound to obey. I moved on December 1, 2008.

Very early in my tenure, I was confronted with passionate pleas to lift the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 (AFSPA). Under the Act, the Central government may declare an area to be a ‘disturbed area’ and apply the Act to that area. Similarly, in eight states, the Governor (read state government) may exercise that power. The Act does not stipulate a time limit for the continuance of the declaration. However, the Supreme Court intervened and obligated the government concerned to review the declaration before the expiry of six months.

That obligation gave little comfort to rights’ activists because once the Act had been applied, state governments were loath to end the declaration. For example, Manipur has periodically notified and applied the Act since the 1980s. Assam has reviewed and renewed the declaration every six months since 2017. The Central government has regularly notified the ‘disturbed areas’ in Nagaland (the whole state) and in Arunachal Pradesh (three districts plus two police station areas).

Intent Immunity, Effect Impunity

The State (Central or state government) is beholden to the Armed Forces — the Army, the Air Force and the Central Armed Police Forces. They are the decision-making powers. Where the Army is deployed, the real power is with the Army. I had analysed the Act in a column in these pages (The Indian Express, May 3, 2015). The powers enjoyed by the Armed Forces under the Act are, to put it mildly, draconian. The powers include the power to destroy any shelter or structure, to arrest without a warrant, and to search and seize without a warrant. Each one of these powers is contrary to the ordinary law — the Code of Criminal Procedure — except under narrow and special circumstances. The harshest power is the power conferred on a police officer, if he thinks it is necessary, to fire upon a person in an assembly of five or more, even to the causing of death.

The case against AFSPA is that Armed Forces personnel do not pause to reflect whether the use of force — often, lethal force — is avoidable. Once they are in a situation of conflict, they do not weigh the options; they use maximum force. Section 6 of the Act gives the Armed Forces personnel immunity against prosecution. The reality is the provision encourages Armed Forces personnel to act with impunity.

It is a matter of common knowledge that even normal police powers are misused. Quite often, such misuse is sanctioned by State policy — as, for example, in Uttar Pradesh where ‘encounters’ are embedded in the law enforcement policy and proudly advertised! In a state which is declared as a ‘disturbed area’, the Armed Forces function under extreme stress and AFSPA becomes a weapon.

Strong Case for Repeal

The demand for repeal of AFSPA is an old demand. In 2005, the Justice Jeevan Reddy Committee recommended its repeal. That view was endorsed by successive commissions and committees. The last was the Justice J S Verma Committee that underlined the imminent need to review the continuance of AFSPA.

In my view, it is imperative to repeal AFSPA. There are other, and subsequent, laws to deal with militancy and terrorism such as the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and the National Investigation Act. In fact, with the experience of implementing UAPA, there is a compelling case to review that Act too. The repeal of AFSPA is long overdue.

The case of Assam is instructive. In 2017, the Ministry of Home Affairs asked Assam to remove AFSPA altogether or reduce the areas where it applied. Assam refused. In 2018, the Standing Committee on Home Affairs asked Assam why it was necessary that the whole state should be declared a ‘disturbed area’ against the advice of the MHA. There was no convincing explanation.

Authoritarian government & law

After 13 civilians were killed on December 4, 2021 (in a case of mistaken identity, for which the Army has apologised), the chief ministers of Manipur, Nagaland and Meghalaya have demanded the repeal of the Act. The plea of Manipur is ludicrous: it is the state government that has applied the Act and nothing prevents the Chief Minister from rescinding the notification.

The fact is that governments have become more authoritarian since 2014. As an inevitable consequence, the police — and the Armed Forces when deployed for internal security — have become more authoritarian. AFSPA, intended to be a shield, has become a weapon. There are voices within the Armed Forces that support the repeal of AFSPA but they are, regrettably, silent.

As Home Minister, I supported the repeal of AFSPA. Alternatively, I pleaded for amending the Act. I failed, and I have narrated the story in my 2015 column. Today, we have an authoritarian government, an authoritarian Prime Minister and an authoritarian Home Minister. The chances of repeal, or even amendments, are zero. The only recourse is the Constitutional Courts.



Read in source website

The Archaeological Survey of India insists that Konark is among the best looked after monuments; however, its conservation history is uneven to say the least.

Massive. Breathtaking. Magnificent. Awesome. Ancient India’s gift to world heritage. The Sun Temple of Konark is about 750 years of history and 120 years of conservation. It represents the culmination of Odisha’s temple architecture. Even in its present disrepair, it is one of the most stunning examples of religious art.

The Archaeological Survey of India insists that Konark is among the best looked after monuments; however, its conservation history is uneven to say the least.

A marvellous metaphor of time and space, the ancient temple is decaying, victim to advancing stone erosion and weathering, which have already blunted the fineness of the carved figurines and taken their toll on the soft stone. Salt action, wind, humidity, algae and fungal growth have all contributed to the damage. Fissures have appeared, stone slabs are breaking off and the figures, as they erode, have lost much of their pristine beauty.

In was in December 1900, after Lt Governor Sir John Woodburn visited the place, that efforts were taken to restore it to its grandeur. By April 1901, the archaeological Surveyor T Bloch had unearthed the mammoth structure and the sheer size and splendour of its structure and intricate carvings were once again seen.

In 1924, the Earl of Ronaldshay proclaimed the newly-revealed temple to be “one of the most stupendous buildings in India, which rears itself aloft, a pile of overwhelming grandeur even in its decay”.

More than 11 reports were prepared by different authorities in different times after this. Most of them just gathered dust. The first report, prepared by Bishan Swarup, an engineer who worked at the site from 1901-04, stated that the edifice faced collapse and had it filled up with sand. Swarup had given detailed suggestions for the further upkeep of the temple, but these were just forgotten.

The next committee, formed in 1950, was chaired by Chief Minister Biswanath Das and had on its panel C M Master, an eminent architect from Bombay. None of the recommendations was put in place.

The third committee was formed in 1953, this too under the chairmanship of Das, and the recommendation for erection of scaffolding was implemented.

In 1978, the ASI constituted the Konark Expert Committee where, for the first time, a serious view of the problem was taken. The committee was chaired by the DG of the ASI. After the collapse of five stone blocks from the main temple, structural conservation was undertaken between 1985-90. Based on this, scaffolding of some vulnerable sections was done.

In 1979, the UNESCO Experts Recommendation on Conservation of Konark was given to the Government of India. After declaring it a World heritage Site, UNESCO once again appointed a committee headed by experts Sir B M Fielden and P Beckman in 1987. They described the state of the temple as alarming and advised immediate measures.

The Italian expert Prof Ing Giorgio Croci made a Structural Analysis of the Jagamohan in 1997. The committee’s recommendations included removing the sand. One of the suggestions was to drill a hole and send endoscopic cameras to assess the state of the interior of the temple.

No one knows for sure why the Konark temple disintegrated so rapidly in such a relatively short time. Various theories abound, some scholars think that the main temple was never completed. The collapse may also have been due to bad foundation and settlement, or natural catastrophes like cyclones, lightning, earthquake.

The temple was originally nearer to the seashore and its black pagoda was visible for miles. In fact the ancient mariners’ maps used it as a navigation point. The standing corner of the tower was further recorded by James Fergusson in 1837 C.E., who estimated its height as 140 to 150 feet, and Kittoe in 1838 C.E., who estimated its height as 80 or 100 feet . This solitary remnant of the main temple fell in October 1848 due to a strong gale.

Rajendra Lal Mitra, while visiting the temple in 1868, mentioned it as only an “enormous mass of stones studded with a few peepal trees here and there”.

In 1906 large-scale plantation of casuarina and poonang trees was taken up in the direction of the sea in order to check the movement of sand-laden winds and thereby minimise their abrasive action. These tall trees were all destroyed in the super cyclone of 1999.

The authorities then planted cashew nut trees, which do not grow high and offer little protection from the sand particles carried by the wind. This has accelerated the erosion. Furthermore, the entire compound was paved with stone blocks, which stopped the natural sand percolation of rainwater, resulting in water logging of the temple every year.

Between accusations and counter-accusations, the condition of the structure continues to weaken. Acquiring a heritage tag is not sufficient in itself; it entails and imposes greater responsibility and cultural accountability. But our system in place is hardly responsive to the needs of culture.

The writer is Project Coordinator,  INTACH Odisha



Read in source website

The year will be remembered by the deadly impact of the coronavirus and the long-drawn-out, disruptive farmers’ agitation

2021 will be best remembered for two events. The deadly impact of the coronavirus and the long-drawn-out, disruptive farmers’ agitation.

The second wave of Covid-19 in the middle of the year was one of the worst tragedies to befall India in the last 50 years. There were desperate cries for help in securing hospital beds, oxygen cylinders and vital medicines Each day brought fresh bad news, friends struggling to survive or slipping away. An unnaturally high number of celebrity deaths indicated that this was a virus which did not discriminate between the powerful and the downtrodden.

Some of those in charge of controlling the pandemic were found wanting. We faced a severe shortfall of vaccines for months. The Election Commission did not prohibit holding mass rallies in poll-bound states. Politicians set the worst example by encouraging super-spreader events. With Omicron cases on the rise, one hopes some lessons have been learnt from last year’s mistakes.

Modi Retreats

Last year’s other big story was the farmers’ agitation, for the withdrawal of the Modi government’s three new farm laws. The government insisted the new legislation was designed to empower small farmers to sell and purchase grain outside mandis and across states. Farmers apprehended that big private companies would squeeze them out and that the laws could end the MSP-based procurement system. The well-organised farmers came ready for the long haul and camped for months on the highway with their tractors holding up traffic. On Republic Day, there was a near riot outside Red Fort.

In Lakhimpur Kheri, UP, a convoy of cars, including one owned by a BJP minister, mowed down four farmers and the agitators retaliated, killing two BJP workers and the driver of one of the vehicles. For a year the government refused to relent despite roadblocks, violence, rallies and hostile public opinion both in India and abroad. Finally, in November, the normally unyielding Modi backtracked and agreed to withdraw the three contentious laws.

On the political front, the year was defined by four events: Mamata Banerjee’s decisive victory in the West Bengal Assembly elections; the further weakening of the Congress still controlled by the Gandhis, who preside over a rapidly declining empire; the emergence, under the wily guidance of Prashant Kishor, of other claimants to the Opposition leadership mantle; and finally the growing uncertainty in the BJP as to who occupies the number two slot in the party.

Mamata’s Might

After its spectacular success in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections in West Bengal, the BJP entered the Assembly election campaign with cocky confidence and all guns blazing. But despite its high-power campaign, led by Prime Minister Modi, the BJP juggernaut met a roadblock in the feisty Banerjee. The ruling party at the Centre miscalculated in not projecting state-level leaders. Its polarising campaign, crude barbs at Mamata and the mishandling of the second Covid wave did not go down well with the voter. Modi’s jibe of “Didi o Didi” was perceived as undignified.

Emboldened by her success in Bengal, Banerjee now dreams of emerging as an alternative opposition leader to the Gandhis at the national level. She has been wooing disgruntled Congress leaders in other parts of the country. AAP and the NCP are also cutting into the Congress vote share.

Leadership Lacuna

Many in the Opposition, and even within the Congress, apprehend that the de facto Congress president, who still shies away from a formal coronation, is not the best candidate to take on a campaign-savvy Modi in 2024. Rahul Gandhi’s poor choices, frequent trips abroad and failure as commander-in-chief are reflected in the party’s diminishing prospects in once sure-fire winning states such as Punjab.

Who’s No. 2?

The BJP has also seen its fortunes slide this year, though not as precipitously as the Congress. In 2019, after its spectacular win in the general elections, the Narendra Modi-Amit Shah team appeared invincible. Shah, as an all-powerful Home Minister who tabled the resolution in Parliament to revoke Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir and continued to have a major say in the BJP even after giving up the president’s post, was the undoubted No.2. But in 2021 the hierarchy is no longer so clear-cut. With all eyes on the UP Assembly polls, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath has emerged as a rising star.



Read in source website

Someday, maybe, we can convince our families we aren’t ill-mannered ingrates who argue for the sake of it, but people who love them, and so expect them to contribute to creating a less violent country

I have a problem. The ‘fringe’ is claiming my family. Rapidly.

Over the past 10 years or so, the ‘fringe’ has swirled in from the sides, cascaded from the top, and completely enveloped my Hindu upper-caste, middle-class, educated family. And I — a secular, liberal, feminist woman — find myself increasingly marooned, marginalised, and maligned.

My problem is this — because the ‘fringe’ now resides within my family, I see how potent it is, how insidiously it works. If it can fray familial ties, I am scared of what it can do on a wider scale.

My family has been radicalised — no, there is no polite substitute for the term — one social media post at a time, to the point where interactions with them leave me enraged, heartbroken, and very, very lonely.

I have tried arguing. Countering disinformation with facts, reasoning, cajoling, haranguing, emotional appeals, I have tried them all. But the ‘fringe’, pre-empting me, has taught them that I am invalid. My political opinions can’t be rational, I have been ‘brainwashed’. I, a woman, single at 30, with friends of all genders, am to be patronised at best, vilified at worst, to be viewed with suspicion always. That is how potent it is.

Of course, my family and their immediate ecosystem did not discover the religious divide in 2014. As a child, I remember conversations about how “only upper-caste Hindus have no champions” among politicians; how “Hindus with small families pay taxes but those people with so many kids get subsidies”. But I also remember a general feeling that bigotry is shameful, and instead of being overly preoccupied with religion, one should study well, get good jobs, and get on with life.

Now, they swallow the most outlandish WhatsApp forwards, hotly defend puerile claims, and consider full-throated bigotry a long-due identity assertion. For years, these people have been fed a diet of social media posts that spoke to them like only they ‘understood’ them.

I have seen the WhatsApp window transform the Overton window. From “You have long followed western science, now consider indigenous wisdom” to “Do you know the real history of Sanatan Dharma” to “This is how Hindus were treated by XYZ” to “If you don’t speak up now, your children will be forced to convert”, to “Your time has finally come in the land of your forefathers”. Even open calls to bloodshed are defended as having come from those who “got carried away”, and didn’t “really mean what they said”!

These WhatsApp messages generally have some kernel of truth, making them sound plausible. From there, they take wild leaps of logic and wilder liberties with truth, to seduce a well-groomed, but, of course, also willing, mass.

The mega identity these messages have forged is powerful enough to sunder personal bonds. Like me, many of my friends now stay away from families, visiting home less frequently, small arguments flaring up quickly because of resentment left over from political conflicts. Unable to engage or explain, we are cutting ourselves off, well knowing that this is a failure, that we are ceding ground to the propagandists.

While this applies to both Hindu men and women, for women, this, like most other things, is worse.

Well-meaning male friends advise me to engage more. What I am not always able to explain to them is the heartbreak I feel when a once dearly loved uncle doesn’t meet my eyes while refusing to condemn Kathua or Hathras without whataboutery. When I point out a misogynist comment from a cousin on Shaheen Bagh, and he is sheepish for just one second, before aggressively defending it. When my existence is used as a reprimand to my mother, who gave her daughter far too much freedom. When another cousin combs my social media profiles to check if some man has “turned my head”, while sending me ‘love jihad’ posts.

No matter how much a blood relation disgusts you, it is hard to stop loving them.

Which is why I, and others like me, cannot afford to give up. We just have to try harder, and someday, maybe, we can convince our families we aren’t ill-mannered ingrates who argue for the sake of it, but people who love them, and so expect them to contribute to creating a less violent country safer for all of us. After all, only love can fight hate.

National Editor Shalini Langer curates the ‘She Said’ column



Read in source website

Political parties see holding pre-election rallies as harmless. Some states are delaying action and others are still deploying ineffective interventions.

The rapid rise in Covid cases is indication that India is experiencing a third wave. Lessons learnt, GoI has been vigilant, alerting states and stepping up genome sequencing of samples. Yet, caution has been thrown to the winds since Omicron is less virulent than Delta. Political parties see holding pre-election rallies as harmless. Some states are delaying action and others are still deploying ineffective interventions. Avoiding a repeat of the second wave requires individual members of the citizenry to take responsibility and governments to match those efforts.

In the US, Britain and Europe, more people are being infected by Omicron but fewer need hospitalisation, the latter being mostly requirements of a lower order. But even at lower rates, India's healthcare system could be overwhelmed. A fragile healthcare system augmented on the run may be pushed to the brink in an 'Omicron-plus' wave. Prevention must be the name of the game. Here, individuals have a critical role. They must strictly adhere to measures such as avoiding crowding, cutting down non-essential gatherings and masking. After two years, this should not be the hardship many make it out to be. This must be matched by sensible government response. Governments have the task of preventing transmission without disrupting the economy. Even with low levels of virulence, Omicron can exact a huge economic cost. Some 3,000 flights had to be cancelled on a single day in the US due to Omicron cases in the aviation industry. Reducing the ridership capacity in public buses and metro leads to crowding. Suspending suburban train services disrupts livelihoods. Governments must take measures that facilitate economic activity while minimising transmission, using tech-enabled proactive options such as home delivery and restrictive ones such as WFH.

In democracy, people and institutions make up the system, each aware of their rights and duties. If India is to avoid being overwhelmed, then people and institutions must work in tandem. It would protect both lives and livelihoods. And the economy.

<

Read in source website

The new norms cap the percentage of funds allocated for the acquisition of unspecified businesses at 25% of the issue size, although it would not apply if the prospectus identifies specific acquisition targets beforehand.

The Securities and Exchange Board of India (Sebi) has tightened the rules for funds usage and lock-in periods following initial public offerings (IPOs) in the booming primary capital market. A record ₹1.2 lakh crore were raised in calendar year 2021. The objective seems to be to step up transparency, track fund allocation and stem price volatility of the newly listed scrips.

The new norms cap the percentage of funds allocated for the acquisition of unspecified businesses at 25% of the issue size, although it would not apply if the prospectus identifies specific acquisition targets beforehand. Also, no more than 35% of the total issue size is to be set aside for future inorganic growth and 'general corporate purposes'. It remains to be seen whether the new guidelines will provide the requisite flexibility for startups and others to grow purposefully and fast. For new-age, tech startups, rapid inorganic growth often makes better strategic sense than profitability. In mature markets, the norms provide flexibility and adaptability in usage of post-IPO funds, with full disclosures. Also, it's mandated that a credit rating agency monitor the capital raised. Due oversight over post-IPO funds by multiple players, including investors, banks and financial institutions, is, indeed, needed.

In an offer for sale (OFS) issue, majority investors - those with at least 20% of the pre-issue stake - can only sell up to 50% of their holding. Extant norms allow that anchor investors sell 50% stake under the current lock-in of 30 days, and the remaining 50% 90 days after the IPO has closed. It's a bid to tighten the norms, with a preference for more 'skin in the game'. The lock-in periods for preferential allotments have been sensibly rationalised.
<

Read in source website

At least 12 people died and over a dozen were injured in a stampede at the Vaishno Devi shrine, atop the Trikuta hills, about 50 kilometres from Jammu, on January 1. The Jammu and Kashmir administration has set up a panel, headed by the Union Territory’s principal secretary (home) Shaleen Kabra, to investigate the incident and directed it to submit its report in a week. The tragedy happened “due to a scuffle between two groups of pilgrims”, the shrine’s board said.

While this is the first tragedy at the shrine, there have been several instances of similar accidents in temples. The worst accident happened near Ratangarh temple in Madhya Pradesh’s Datia district on October 13, 2013, which left 115 people dead and 100-plus injured. Most stampedes are often a result of administrative mismanagement, the police’s inability to control crowds, and the failure of pilgrims to follow movement protocols. In this episode, too, people allege that pilgrims were allowed without registration; there were no barricades to demarcate those going in and out of the sanctum sanctorum’s narrow gate; and the lathi charge by policemen once they found the crowd going out of control. Before the pandemic, the annual yatra drew over 10 million pilgrims. In 2021, the daily cap was lowered to 25,000 due to Covid-19. This new year, 35,000 people were officially allowed despite the early signs of a third wave.

The probe panel must investigate and reveal the reasons behind the tragedy. The administration must learn from the mistakes, punish those who failed to perform their duties, and set up systems that prevent such tragic loss of lives.



Read in source website

Last week, the Centre told the Supreme Court in an affidavit that it should hold off on scrapping reservations for other backward classes (OBC) in local body polls in Madhya Pradesh. This came after the top court nullified similar reservations in Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, and its ruling prompted the Odisha High Court to ask the state government to denotify seats earmarked for backward communities in its local body elections.

Seen in the backdrop of the growing rumblings of the caste census and the impending churn over the push to subclassify the OBC grouping, this is a significant development, and makes it clear that political representation for OBCs and some dominant communities will be the new battleground in the shifting sands of Indian electoral politics. The Centre’s framing in its affidavit made it clear. The government told the court that implementing the Supreme Court’s order will be a grave miscarriage of justice and deprive OBCs of their rightful share. The affidavit called it a question of political representation and said denying it will be a violation of the constitutional mandate. Though there has been no formal enumeration of the communities since Independence, government and unofficial estimates say OBCs easily form more than 50% of the country. It is no wonder, then, that their support is hotly contested by political parties, and their impact on elections and policy is only set to grow.

The developments make three things clear. One, the decision to extend reservations in local body elections to OBCs falls in line with the trend of using reservations as an instrument to alleviate socio-economic problems. The phenomenon of dominant communities — Jats, Gujjars, Patels, Marathas, among others — demanding quotas seems here to stay. Two, given the apex court’s straightforward reasoning in deciding cases involving caste-based quotas — the judges ruled that quantifiable data gathered by an independent commission will be necessary — it is likely that political compulsions will clash with judicial dictum in the future as well. And three, with the government and Opposition formations vying for the support of OBCs, expect more fireworks around the demand of a caste census — which will formally count OBCs and likely lead to a realignment in caste power structures — and the report of the central commission looking into subclassifying OBCs that is likely to see resistance from dominant communities. The churn in India’s caste cauldron appears to be just beginning.



Read in source website

First conducted in 1992-1993, the National Family Health Survey (NFHS) is a nationwide demographic and health report. The findings from the NFHS-5, released in November 2021, give positive data on numerous aspects.

The most significant highlight is sex ratio improvement — 1,020 females per 1,000 males. Child vaccinations have also improved with 94.5% of children between 12-23 months getting vaccinated at a public health facility; 95.9% of pregnant women received mother and child protection cards. However, there was also worrisome data such as an increase in anaemia. Also, gender-based violence in the 18-49 years group witnessed minimal improvement with spousal violence dropping from 31.2% to 29.3%.

The total fertility rate (TFR), or the number of children per woman, is 2.0, which is somewhat lower than the replacement rate. Except in countries with high infant and child mortality rates, the replacement rate averages out to 2.1, indicating that the country’s population has stabilised.

The NFHS-5 data hits the propaganda of population control at its root. The Uttar Pradesh (UP) State Law Commission released the draft of the UP Population (Control Stabilization and Welfare) Bill, 2021, in July last year. The bill aimed at the two-child policy and used debarment from contesting local body polls, applying for government jobs, and removing subsidy benefits as coercive tools. A similar two-child coercive policy was introduced in Assam. Other states with Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or BJP-coalition governments such as Karnataka, Gujarat and Bihar were considering the same.

Population control measures are not merely based on the Malthusian theory of “too few resources and too many mouths to fill”, but is also used as a tool against one community — Indian Muslims. Muslims, due to relatively low ranking on socioeconomic and health factors, have a higher fertility rate than other communities in India.

In light of the judgment of the Supreme Court in the Puttaswamy case, not only are population control laws and practices unconstitutional — because of the constraints of privacy, discrimination, proportionality, and right to life — but government data negates the need for them.

The data from NFHS-5 shows that TFR for Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Karnataka and UP are at 1.9, 3.0, 1.9, 1.7 and 2.4 respectively. While Bihar and UP are above the replacement rate of 2.1, data from NFHS-4 shows a gradual decline where they stood at 3.4 and 2.7 respectively. Generally, states witness decline gradually without coercive measures.

TFR for every religion has declined in every successive NFHS as well, including Muslims, whose TFR declined from 4.41 in NFHS-1 to 2.62 in NFHS-4. According to a recent Pew Research Center report, while they remain the community with the highest fertility rate among major religious groups, Muslims did see a decline in TFR. Therefore, coercive measures that ostracise a community and allow public perception to believe in some kind of population explosion has the potential to further the communal divide.

Furthermore, the use of family planning methods among married women of 15-49 years is increasing as well. While 53.5% of women use any method of family planning in NFHS-4, the number stands at 66.7% in NFHS-5. Every method, from female sterilisation to injectables to pills, has shown a little increase in use. Of these five states, Bihar saw the most encouraging increase in the use of family planning methods from 24.1% in 2015-16 to 55.8% in 2019-21. However, male sterilisation stands at an abysmal low of 0.3% compared to 37.9% in women.

Considering that India spends merely 1.26% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) on public health care and about 3% on education, the improvement is remarkable. It indicates the potential of quick major improvements if the government spends the right amount. Since data outlaws the need for population control incentives, perhaps the government and representative can turn their attention to measures that will ensure stable and healthy family planning. These measures include basic education, marriage at median age, increase in employment and income.

Prakhar Raghuvanshi is a constitutional law honours student, National Law University, Jodhpur

The views expressed are personal



Read in source website

People across the world have unprecedented expectations of 2022, and I use the word unprecedented advisedly. If we look at the biggest disasters of the last century — the Spanish Flu, World War I and World War II — and now the Covid-19 pandemic, we see that the next challenge is always just around the corner.

Just when we thought the pandemic might be in retreat comes the Omicron variant, and it is little comfort that the pandemic may become endemic, as some scientists predict. We may soon get pills to combat Covid, the economic revival may gain momentum, and perhaps the world as we know it, may change forever. In the year gone by, manufacturing was seriously affected as supply chains were disrupted. This led many, including former German chancellor, Angela Merkel, to call for an end to dependence on factory output from China and India.

India with its vast resources, diverse climate, and young population is ideally suited to become self-reliant. When the seeds of British rule were planted in India, after the Battle of Plassey in 1757, our growth rate vis-à-vis the world was about 27%. Add China to this and almost half the global growth was in these two countries. Are things going into the reverse now?

A recent survey by Future Forum in the United States (US) has found that our offices are going to change; only 3% of non-White workers in the US want to return to office full time, compared to 21% of their White colleagues; 97% of non-White workers are looking for a model where they could do their jobs from remote centres. Experts believe that in 2022, skilled youth who are open to flexible work patterns will get more jobs. This could well increase gender, ethnic, and age disparities in the workplace. However, some sociologists are not in agreement with a largely work-from-home system. They believe this will increase loneliness, depression, even suicide.

This year we are going to see a new race in space. US-based companies such as SpaceX, Blue Origin, and Virgin Galactic have already taken the lead, and China has joined the fray. Its astronauts addressed schoolchildren last month from a space shuttle. This space race is going to add new tensions to the relationship between the US and China.

The intense economic competition between China and the US is also expected to reach the next level this year. If we are heading to a new Cold War era, what will India’s role in it be? This year will give us some answers. The challenge for New Delhi in relation to China is to keep our borders safe, and the Galwan clashes of 2020 show us how important it is to remain vigilant at all times.

This year is going to be challenging for the Indian establishment. The protesting farmers may have gone home after assurances from the government, but they are not satisfied. Will the government be able to sell its reforms to them? The peasant movement has given an impetus to trade unionism. India needs rapid economic reforms to keep pace with China, but reforms are creating unrest among a section of workers. In 1991, when Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh came up with economic reforms, we saw the extent of the uproar among unions and workers.

India has done well so far in the fight against Covid-19. The economy is slowly returning to normal. In this year full of so many expectations, will we be able to achieve the expected growth rate? Will the unorganised sector and small and medium industries regain their lost momentum? Without this, we cannot battle unemployment and recession.

The year 2022 will be a litmus test for all political parties. There are elections in five states over the next few months. Of these, Uttar Pradesh (UP) is the most important. This explains why Prime Minister Narendra Modi has thrown all his energies into the battle for the state. Is this a calculated risk? He is an astute and canny politician. He knows that even after this, if the Bharatiya Janata Party does not get a clear majority in UP, the party could be adversely affected in the 2024 general elections. There may not be any visible public disenchantment with UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath’s government.

But, there a huge crowds at Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav’s meetings. Yadav has got his caste calculations right, which is why the election has become two-pronged. The Bahujan Samaj Party and the Congress have so far made little headway. These factors and the possibility of the spillover of discontent among farmers are issues that will decide the course of the all-important UP elections.

We are in a year full of hopes, fears and expectations. Let us welcome it and hope for the best.

Shashi Shekhar is editor-in-chief, Hindustan

The views expressed are personal



Read in source website

On December 13, 2021, the Gauhati High Court passed an important judgment in a case concerning the functioning of Assam’s “Foreigners Tribunals”. The case involved an individual — Hasina Bhanu — who had been referred to the Foreigners Tribunal by the government, on the suspicion that she was not an Indian citizen. In August 2016, the tribunal found that she was, indeed, an Indian citizen, and issued an opinion in her favour.

This, however, was not the end of Hasina Bhanu’s travails. In 2017, another proceeding was initiated against her before the same tribunal — and this time, in March 2021, the tribunal returned a contrary opinion that she was not an Indian citizen, but a foreigner.

Hasina Bhanu carried the case to the high court, where she argued that the second proceeding against her was illegal from the outset. This was because of the basic legal principle of res judicata, according to which, once a court has decided a particular issue between two parties, it cannot be reopened before the same forum. The principle of res judicata is fundamental to the rule of law, not only because of the need for finality in a legal system, but also to prevent the continued harassment of citizens at the hands of the State, or at the hands of other powerful parties.

A two-judge bench of the Gauhati High Court — relying upon recent precedent from the Supreme Court — agreed with Hasina Bhanu’s arguments, and set aside the second proceeding as illegal. While this would appear to be a common-sense outcome, it is, actually, a significant judgment, not least because on a prior occasion, different judges of the Gauhati High Court had refused to set aside such dual proceedings. Back in 2018, the court had handed down a very surprising judgment, where it had held that — formally — Foreigners’ Tribunals do not render “judgments”, but only issue “opinions”, on the basis of which the government decides what to do with the individual concerned. On the basis of this, the high court had then effectively held that even if a tribunal found that a particular person was not a foreigner, that person could still be dragged back before any of Assam’s (many) Foreigners’ Tribunals, and be forced to prove their citizenship all over again — any number of times.

The high court’s reasoning, however, was deeply flawed. First of all, it is difficult to understand why an entire legal paraphernalia around Foreigners’ Tribunals has been set up in Assam, if the purpose was just to issue “opinions” that have no other force or value in law. Second, the Foreigners Tribunals are empowered to return a finding on one of the most important issues concerning an individual: Their citizenship status.

Citizenship has often been described as the “right to have rights”: Not only because many of the Constitution’s guarantees are available only to citizens, but also because — under the Foreigners’ Act — non-citizenship exposes an individual to various forms of punitive State action, such as detention or deportation. In this context, the high court’s holding that the tribunals were issuing mere “opinions” that were not subject to res judicata was essentially a case of having your cake and eating it too: On the one hand, an adverse finding by the tribunal could lead to an individual being deported or detained, while on the other hand, a positive finding by the tribunal provided no respite at all, since at any time the whole process could be started all over again, with no guarantee of the same outcome.

The high court in its 2018 judgment substantiated this gross asymmetry by making various remarks about how India was facing “external aggression”, “demographic threats” and a danger to its “integrity” because of “illegal Bangladeshi immigration”. Regrettably, such loose language recurs frequently in the court’s judgments on these issues, despite the fact that the available data on immigration supports none of these claims. Such judicial rhetoric, however, then becomes a smokescreen to justify depriving people of even their basic rights to procedural fairness, on the mere assertion by State authorities that they are foreigners.

It is in this context, therefore, that the high court’s 2021 judgment comes as a relief, and does infuse a modicum of procedural fairness into the tribunals process in Assam.

It is important to note, however, that this is only the tip of the iceberg: By now, there is detailed empirical evidence, collected over many years, which demonstrates that the functioning of the Foreigners Tribunals in Assam falls well short of the basic standards that are expected of institutions taking such far-reaching decisions about citizenship status.

It has been shown that excessive executive control over appointments and conditions of service, as well as skewed procedures, have created a situation in which tribunals are incentivised to declare individuals as foreigners.

Thus, while the high court’s judgment is welcome, what is needed today is a thoroughgoing review — and reform — of the entire tribunals system, so as to ensure that immigration cases are conducted in a manner that can at least approach — if not accomplish — constitutional justice.

Gautam Bhatia is a Delhi-based advocate

The views expressed are personal



Read in source website