Editorials - 15-05-2022

The victory is a testament to the hard work of the players, as well as the dedication of former players in scouting and grooming younger talent.

For a long time, badminton in India revolved around two names – Saina Nehwal and PV Sindhu. The two female protagonists shone on the world stage, also getting on the Olympic podium. But with precious little backup, India often came up short in team competitions.

The male shuttlers, in contrast, have been much less heralded. That is, till Sunday, when they achieved the almost-unthinkable by winning the Thomas Cup – the World Cup of men’s team badminton. Not just any medal, but gold!

Beating badminton royalty Malaysia, Denmark and Indonesia in successive rounds cannot be termed a flash in the pan, but the result of years of hard work and planning, often away from the media spotlight. It could take the shuttle sport, especially the men’s side, to another level and raise the level of expectations for the current and future generation of players.

Names such as HS Prannoy and Kidambi Srikanth have often been in the slipstream of the women stalwarts, even though the latter was once ranked No.1 in the world during a stellar 2017. The arrival of young gun Lakshya Sen — who reached the All England final and had a podium finish at the World Championship — and the doubles pairing of Satwiksairaj Rankireddy and Chirag Shetty have rounded the squad as there are no weak links.

But from where did this all-conquering combination emerge? A lot has been said and written about the proliferation of academies around the country once badminton became a fashionable sport. Chief national coach Pullela Gopichand’s academy in Hyderabad has been a conveyor belt of high-quality talent, despite the occasional noise about conflict of interest. Add to it, the establishment in Bengaluru with Prakash Padukone at the helm, and also Vimal Kumar, and one has several legends of the sport giving back in a tangible, and measurable, manner.

There have been several retired or semi-retired players across sports promising to scout and groom talent through their academies, but one is still waiting for their wards to make their first big splash.

As far as the current glory-winning group is concerned, Srikanth and Prannoy have been around long enough to experience the ups and downs of the circuit, suffering and recovering from their fair share of injuries. While the spotlight has been on Sindhu and Saina, they have grinded out results, occasionally dealing with early exits from tournaments.

When it came to prospects at big events, the men have often been an afterthought, at least in terms of star power. But coming into the Thomas Cup, the young and the old Indian male shuttlers were quietly confident about their chances. All the teams they faced in the latter stages of the tournament had players ranked higher than them, but that hardly fazed them.

In the final, names like Jonatan Christie (2018 Asian Games gold medallist) and Anthony Ginting were put to the sword, as was the acclaimed doubles combination of Mohammad Ahsan and Kevin Sanjaya Sukamuljo. Indonesia have been perennial Thomas Cup champions, and take a lot of pride in being the numero uno country in the sport that arouses so much passion in the South-East Asian nation.

But, at least till the next edition, it will be a new country with the bragging rights in the men’s game. It is one of the most unexpected achievements, at least for those looking from the outside, but nonetheless one of the most heart-warming ones in Indian sport.



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Mukkera Rahul Swaero writes: A joint study from 2015 to 2017, conducted by Savitribai Phule Pune University, Jawaharlal Nehru University and the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies shows that 22.3 per cent of forward caste (FC) Hindus own 41 per cent of the country’s wealth.

Exhorting Dalits to urbanise, Babasaheb Ambedkar had famously said “What is a village but a sink of localism, a den of ignorance, narrow mindedness and communalism.” While several positive strides have been made over the last 75 years in independent India, has urban India recovered from the “sink of localism” and “narrow mindedness”?

A joint study from 2015 to 2017, conducted by Savitribai Phule Pune University, Jawaharlal Nehru University and the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies shows that 22.3 per cent of forward caste (FC) Hindus own 41 per cent of the country’s wealth. Using nationally representative surveys, Nitin Bharti of the Paris School of Economics has empirically demonstrated the wealth dominance of the forward castes. The top 10% (1st decile) owned nearly 60% of the urban wealth in 2012. Calculating “representational inequality”, which measures the extent of social segregation within a wealth bracket, Bharti shows that FCs dominate the richest 10% while Dalits, Adivasis and Muslims are over-represented in the bottom 50%. It would, therefore, be fair to say that property ownership by caste has merely shifted locations from rural to urban areas without commensurating socio-economic mobility of backward castes. Consequently, the rental housing market in so-called “good neighbourhoods” in urban India continues to be dominated by FCs.

I am a Dalit and I studied at the Telangana Social Welfare Residential School and then completed my Masters in 2020 from Azim Premji University. Subsequently, I started working in Bhilwara, Rajasthan, where my quest to find a rental accommodation started. Initially, I met a doctor via an online housing app. Given that I am from Telangana, he had trouble gauging my religion and caste from my surname. I acknowledged that I am a Hindu when he asked about my religion. He then veered towards my food preferences and wanted to know about my parents’occupation. Feeling uncomfortable, I started lying and put on a mask of an upper caste person. With much difficulty, I ended the conversation. Frightened, I did not approach him again.

My search continued and the general trend became obvious soon. First, I would be asked if I am a Hindu and then there would be follow-up questions about my food habits. Some were less subtle, and asked directly: ‘Kaunsa jaati hai tumhara (What is your caste)?’. I also had trouble answering questions about my ‘gotra’. In one instance, after a conversation about my native place and marital status, I said I am a Christian when the landlord asked me about my caste. Soon he said that he had already rented the house to a Brahmin family. After numerous knocks on many multi-coloured doors, a new friend assured me that he had found a house for me. Within a few minutes of our meeting, and with no sense of irony, the house owner said: ‘We are only looking for Brahmins. Are you a Brahmin?’ Before I could say anything, my friend jumped in and said “Yes, he is.” I said my mother is a school teacher and that I am a pure vegetarian. Then, the house owner asked, “What is your caste?” I mentioned a south Indian Brahmin caste name of an old friend.

The landlord then called a Brahmin couple and they asked me, “Do you belong to OBC or SC?” I responded with a plain face: “No, General Category.” After probing further, the couple finally gave up and said “Ok. Don’t cook eggs or other meat in the house.” The landlord then asked me to bring a copy of my Aadhaar card. I left with a sense of fear and repeatedly looked at details on my Aadhaar card to ensure that my caste was not mentioned on it. When I returned with my luggage, the couple came to examine my Aadhaar. I got anxious as the address on my Aadhaar said ‘Ambedkar Nagar’. But soon I realised that they could neither read English nor Telugu.

Finally, after finding a place to stay, I had to live like a typical Brahmin as people observed me all the time. But, I realised the power of being able to speak in English. Since the people around me didn’t understand the language, I started speaking in English all the time and now their questions have also reduced. My true identity remains hidden.

Mukkera Rahul Swaero is a Programme Coordinator with LibTech India in Rajasthan Suraj Yengde, author of Caste Matters, curates the fortnightly ‘Dalitality’ column



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Tavleen Singh writes: On the triumphalist Hindutva movement that now claims that the Taj Mahal was a Hindu monument, I have one question: when do bulldozers arrive to demolish the most famous mausoleum in the world?

Once more last week the bulldozers rolled in Delhi destroying the lives and dreams of ordinary people. Once more battles raged over which mosque was once a Hindu temple. Into this rectification of historical wrongs were dragged the Qutub Minar and the Taj Mahal. This is a topical column, so both events necessitate a comment. On bulldozers may I say I wait eagerly for the day when bulldozers smash down the homes of those corrupt officials who permitted illegal construction on such a scale. On the triumphalist Hindutva movement that now claims that the Taj Mahal was a Hindu monument, I have one question: when do bulldozers arrive to demolish the most famous mausoleum in the world?

For those of you who think I am being frivolous about serious things, I have one response: enough is enough. For weeks, if not months, we appear to have talked of nothing else but matters of this kind, so I am going to spare you yet another piece on either bulldozers or majoritarian madness. Little more can be said that has not already been said in endless, repetitive primetime debates and endless, increasingly repetitive ponderings by political pundits.

So, this week I plan to talk of what are considered things so inconsequential that they never make headlines. My reason for doing this is that on the inside pages of newspapers appeared what to me was the most important news of all, and this is that 89% of Indian children are malnourished before they reach their second year. This information came in the recently published report of the National Family Health Survey (NHFS-5). The report concluded that there has been only marginal improvement since their findings five years ago. This is heartbreaking and shameful. Malnourishment in a child’s most formative months means that they will grow up stunted and unable ever to reach their full potential either physically or mentally.

When I asked myself why Narendra Modi who has paid so much attention to rectifying negligence of many kinds during Congress rule, I noticed that Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh were the worst offenders when it came to malnutrition in infants. Clearly, this is something he has never paid attention to. Can we hope that after this latest NFHS report from his own government, he will pay as much attention to malnutrition as he did to sanitation in his first term? Swachh Bharat achieved levels of rural sanitation on an impressive scale because Modi put his weight behind it. If he did the same to ensure that India’s children were no longer malnourished, then we might one day reap the full benefits of having the world’s largest population of young people.

There are other ‘small’ things I would like to draw attention to this week. I use the word small deliberately because Modi has shown that what he really loves are big things. The ‘tallest statue’ in the world has come up in his time. The ‘largest vaccination programme’ has been successfully achieved and these are things that the Prime Minister loves to boast about. On the day I sat down to write this piece I drove past the new Parliament building and, without being allowed to get close enough for a real inspection, can report that it already towers over every other building in its vicinity. The old Parliament, repository of so much of India’s democratic history, resembles an anthill in its mighty shadow. But I digress.

The most ignored and most horrible news of the moment is that a garbage mountain that is estimated to be more than seventeen stories high remains on fire in Delhi. It spews poisonous gases into the city’s dangerously polluted air and reminds us that although we dream of putting a man on the moon, we have failed to learn how to deal with waste. On the edge of every village, we see ditches filled with rotting garbage and nearly all our small towns have main bazaars that are, in reality, just garbage dumps. Is this not shameful at a time when we are so proudly celebrating the seventy-fifth year of India’s Independence?

Those who yell Vande Mataram and Jai Shri Ram with every breath need to read the Ramayana more carefully to discover the description of Ayodhya on the eve of Ram’s coronation. And, while they are about it, they can also pay careful attention to the road that Bharat built to go to the forest in which his brothers were forced into exile. The methods used to build the road were as modern as they are today and Ayodhya more beautiful than any modern Indian city. While Hindu revivalism is so fashionable, can we please revive some of these things? Is it not time that we ensured that Bharat Mata was no longer covered in rotting garbage? And what could be a finer tribute in this year of our Amrit Mahotsav than to ensure that no Indian child lacks the basic nutrients they need to grow to their full potential?

Can I end with a question? What happens now that a court has declared that it will not begin to discuss whether Hindutva activists should be allowed to start meddling around in those alleged ‘twenty-two sealed rooms’ in the basement of the Taj Mahal? Will Hindutva troops be unleashed in Agra to start attacking Muslims for the ‘sins’ of their ancestors? Seriously, what happens now?



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Leher Kala writes: If the Congress had been winning elections, RG’s attendance at a wedding wouldn’t be cause for comment. Since they are not, the expectation is that he should be shamefacedly hanging his head down, in hiding.

In the last 10 days, the lurid fascination for Rahul Gandhi’s private life has spurred Op-Ed pieces in newspapers, righteous Tweets and drawing room debates on what exactly constitutes propriety for public figures. Everyone has an opinion on the WhatsApp forward that showed RG gazing at his phone while music was blaring and liquor flowing, ostensibly, at a nightclub in Nepal. Despite his shaky political future, the dimpled Congress scion remains mass media’s darling — a generation brought up on Instagram sees nothing wrong in compulsively trespassing on the personal space of famous people.

Whatever one’s political views, it can’t be easy being Rahul Gandhi. To have your every move dissected (and invariably) criticised in front of all and sundry — it makes one feel grateful for a humdrum existence. I know from experience that a nasty remark can weigh on one’s mind for weeks. The famous have to get used to sneering opinions cascading in relentlessly on social media; people who would probably be fawning if they came face to face become vicious, emboldened by anonymity. The jeering RG has been subjected to, is, at a deeper level, indicative of Indians’ collective fear of failure. If the Congress had been winning elections, RG’s attendance at a wedding wouldn’t be cause for comment. Since they are not, the expectation is that he should be shamefacedly hanging his head down, in hiding.

There is a tendency to believe that those born with the proverbial silver spoon are happily insulated from the vagaries of life. And they are, considering 99% of humanity is toiling away in obscurity, attempting to climb an arduous ladder to success that’s nowhere near guaranteed. Stardom, acquired or inherited, comes with significant benefits: a family name opens avenues to make money. Admiration is a boost to the ego, a great armour of defence against our embedded fears of rejection. So, considering the advantages, simplistic thinking goes, the 24/7 spotlight is a fair trade-off for awesome privilege. The desire for fame is so ubiquitous that society barely acknowledges the serious downsides.

It’s so much harder for the rich and powerful to form genuine friendships. People are either sucking up to you or basking in the glow that comes from having access to an important connection. Life without real conversations, surrounded instead by obsequious sycophants, sounds like it would be a dreadful bore. Perhaps the most dangerous aspect of fame is that nobody tells you the truth, so you start believing in the myth of your own greatness. That megalomania can insidiously creep up and take over was best articulated by Denzel Washington to Will Smith recently: “At your highest moment be careful, that’s when the devil comes for you.”

Ironically enough, the truly famous are ambivalent, rather, distraught, by constant adulation. Taylor Swift has said her greatest wish is to drive around alone. In a poignantly illuminating interview, Britney Spears related how she wore the same clothes every day, hoping that would make her “uninteresting” to paparazzi. Prince Harry fled from England. At the height of their popularity, the Beatles retreated to an ashram in Rishikesh, disillusioned by the hysteria surrounding them. All these people discovered that fame just means you get a lot of (hollow) attention. It can’t match feelings of well-being that come from being appreciated in close relationships, built the old-fashioned way, over time.

These days it’s so much easier for everyone to be famous. Exclusivity has been democratised. Sooner or later, the question is bound to arise, when everyone’s lighting up Google Trends— is anyone? It’s good that so many get to experience cheap thrills of quasi celebrity-dom. Perhaps, it’s only after a craving for prestige is satisfied, that one has the clarity to reject it completely.

The writer is director, Hutkay Films



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Leena Misra writes: With every clash, every assault on creativity such as the recent one, that space for "experimental and research-minded" art shrinks somewhat.

A distinct memory for any visitor to Vadodara is likely to be of students of Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda (MSUB) with their sketch pads and pencils at the railway station, at Kamatibaug (now Sayajibaug) or at the Khanderao market, sketching away. If you waited long enough at the train station, you might even become the muse of a budding artist. Such was the omnipresence of the student of the Faculty of Fine Arts (FFA) in Vadodara.

For those of us in other Faculties, getting to dance at the garba hosted by the Fine Arts Faculty during the Navratri was a privilege. Students wore everything from denims to chania cholis as they danced to the dhols.

That’s how we left our university — with memories of a free and happy space. Of the time spent hanging out on the steps of Central Hall, of the arguments with our professors, of the boisterous campaigning during student body elections and of sipping over-boiled tea in cracked cups at the college canteen.

Then May 9, 2007, happened. A mob stormed the FFA to protest against allegedly obscene depictions of Goddess Durga and Jesus Christ by a 26-year old student from Andhra Pradesh’s Mandapalli village. Srilamanthula Chandramohan work was displayed as part of the evaluation for his Master’s in Visual Arts (MVA) degree. Chandramohan’s works remain sealed in the faculty as a crime scene, unevaluated. And he, without a degree, facing two criminal cases, one for his art that allegedly promoted “enmity between different groups on grounds of religion etc” and another for attempted murder and arson in 2018, when he allegedly set fire to the V-C’s office out of frustration for not getting his marksheet.

In a sort of déjà vu, FFA saw another round of vandalism when, on May 5, an MSU syndicate member, Hasmukh Vaghela, targeted Kundan Yadav, a first-year Master’s student from Bihar for “objectionable” depiction of Hindu Gods and the Ashoka Pillar.

Leading artistes who have been associated with the FFA since its inception in 1950 as one of independent India’s first and finest schools of art, find these episodes “painful”.

They talk wistfully of a time when the late N S Bendre, who taught painting at the faculty, set up the ‘Baroda Group’ in 1956, thus shaping a generation of artistes known for their “regional modernism”, who stood out from among their peers who had trained in British-era Indian art schools. Apart from Bendre, the FFA also saw teachers such as K G Subramanyam, Bhupen Khakkar, Ghulam Mohammed Sheikh and Ratan Parimoo, each of whom came with a distinct style and school of thought.

Acharya Vinoba Bhave, Dadasaheb Phalke, Babasaheb Ambedkar, Kanhaiyalal Munshi, former RBI governor I G Patel and the 2009 Nobel laureate Venkatraman Ramakrishnan are among the university’s distinguished alumni.

Founded as Baroda College in 1881 by the ruler of Baroda State, Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad III, the university was established in 1949 by his grandson Pratapsinh Rao Gaekwad, who was also its first chancellor. Vadodara soon came to be known as a city that patronised the arts, one where freedom of thought and expression was a lived reality.

It was Sayajirao III who invited the famous Raja Ravi Varma of Travancore — the artist who is known to have been the first to give human form to Hindu Gods and Goddesses through his art — to Baroda state. The city has a gallery dedicated to Ravi Varma in the Maharaja Fatehsinh Museum.

The city’s various museums, market places and offices running out of artistic spaces designed by European architects, its palaces, its railway, its artists and its alumni, make Baroda (now Vadodara) a living gallery, somewhat like Paris’s Montmartre.

MS University’s most imposing structure is the Central Hall in the Faculty of Arts whose dome, inspired from the Gol Gumbaz of Bijapur, was designed by British architect Robert Chisholm in the Indo-Saracenic style. The original Baroda College ran out of this building.

Drawing from German universities and Banaras Hindu University, MSU is among the few unitary universities. Unlike other state universities where the governor is the chancellor, MSU, though supported by government grants, has a member of the royal family as its chancellor. The current chancellor is Rajmata Shubhanginiraje, wife of the late Ranjitsinh Gaekwad, an FFA alum himself.

The university campus, in the heart of the city in Mandvi, stretches from the Music College, now the Faculty of Performing Arts, on the banks of the 18th century Sursagar lake, to Pratapgunj, 3 km away, where the hostels are. In between are the Kalabhavan, a 1892 palace housing the Faculty of Engineering and Technology, the Faculty of Fine Arts on the banks of the Vishwamitri river, and the Faculty of Science in Pratapgunj.

There is hardly a student who has not seen the room used by poet-philosopher Sri Aurobindo in the Faculty of Arts when he was Sayajirao III’s speech writer and principal of Baroda College from 1893-1906. Aurobindo’s house in Vadodara’s Dandia Bazaar is now a national memorial.

The university is also home to the Oriental Institute, a post-graduate teaching and research space that preserves rare manuscripts with their translations.

Yet, it’s FFA that stands out as the university’s biggest centrepiece. An academic catalogue on the MSU website says FFA has produced some of the “best-known artistes of the country”. It goes on to say: “Emphasis is laid on creative identity of students and teachers to foster an approach to the study and practice of art which is inquiring, experimental and research minded”.

But with every clash, every assault on creativity such as the recent one, that space for “experimental and research-minded” art shrinks somewhat.

Misra, Resident Editor, Gujarat, is an alumnus of MS University

No More Mundkas,Value Citizen Safety - Economic Times

Norms for building heights, fire safety, water access, vehicle parking are drawn up to ensure safety and provide for contingencies in every civic-minded society.

Last week's fire that started in a commercial building in West Delhi's Mundka area claiming 27 lives and injuring others is another in a long list of avoidable tragedies that this country shrugs off as 'accidental'. It was, yet again, the outcome of the failure of authorities to do their duty -enforcing the norms that keep people safe. India's urban centres are replete with structures and buildings that fail to meet basic safety norms. Those responsible for the Mundka blaze must be held accountable to ensure that regulations are complied with beyond their current cosmetic purpose.

Norms for building heights, fire safety, water access, vehicle parking are drawn up to ensure safety and provide for contingencies in every civic-minded society. Unfortunately, it is civic-mindedness that is lacking in 2022 India where atavistic 'concerns' are seen as being more important than the need for genuine protection for the citizenry. The 15-year-old Mundka building did not have clearance from the fire department. Multiple authorities, at the local and state levels, should have acted to ensure compliance. They did not. June 13 will mark 25 years since the Uphaar tragedy. The similarities with the Mundka tragedy are obvious - inadequate fire safety measures, single exit point and people trapped.

Adherence and compliance to rules ensure the safety and well-being of citizens. It is the duty of authorities to ensure compliance. Their failure, be it negligence or greed leading to collusion, undermines a rules-based modern society that an aspiring $5 trillion economy should start becoming. Punish those who looked away, colluded with local potentates, those who profited from it. Avoid another Mundka by valuing the safety of one's citizenry.

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He intends to randomly sample 100 followers on Twitter and has asked others to try this exercise to determine if its claims on fake accounts are credible.

Elon Musk has put his $44 billion deal to buy Twitter on hold till he is assured spam accounts on the media platform are less than 5% of users. He intends to randomly sample 100 followers on Twitter and has asked others to try this exercise to determine if its claims on fake accounts are credible. Fighting bots, alongside authenticating all humans and making Twitter's algorithms open source are key to his efforts to lessen content moderation on the platform. Questions over how many users it actually has are relevant to Twitter's valuation. The prospects of restating years of user numbers, and of Musk selling his current holding in Twitter if he can't pull off the acquisition, could signal a repricing of the deal.

Twitter has rules and policing in place to weed out spam bots that manipulate activity. The company regards manipulation as involving misinformation and does not permit overlapping accounts, bulk registration, coordinated activity to generate engagement and trading in followers. Twitter uses machine learning and investigators to sift through its user database for suspicious activity and to freeze dodgy accounts. Not all bots on the platform are, however, considered malicious. Automated amplification of, say, Covid updates are permitted as long as the accounts are suitably labelled. Musk has also tweeted about how the Twitter algorithm could be manipulating users. These are fair points about Twitter in particular, and digital media in general.

Musk's query into the integrity of Twitter's numbers raises the bar for due diligence of social media platforms that can deploy technology to amplify their reach - and advertising revenue. Assessing how many individuals, and not strings of code, are daily or monthly active users is fundamental to valuing platforms that seek to extract every last bit of the network effect. Musk is seeking funding commitments for the Twitter acquisition from well-heeled investors to avoid borrowing against his Tesla holdings. This widens the pool of scrutineers into Twitter's monetisable users.
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On Sunday, Delhi Police arrested Manish Lakra, the owner of the commercial building in west Delhi that caught fire on Friday evening, killing at least 27 people and injuring 17 others. The blaze is the deadliest since the 2019 factory fire at Anaj Mandi, when 43 were killed. The initial probe shows that the accident was waiting to happen because the owner and the tenant did not comply with mandatory safety requirements: The building plan was not sanctioned; it did not have a fire NOC or firefighting arrangements and it never applied for a fire clearance inspection. In addition, the multi-storey building had only one entry-exit door, which meant that the occupants were trapped because the fire started from the first floor and engulfed the staircase, which was the only exit route.

The police have registered a case of culpable homicide not amounting to murder, attempt to commit culpable homicide, concealing design to commit an offence punishable with imprisonment, and common intention under the Indian Penal Code’s sections 304, 308, 120, and 34. Every time an incident such as this happens, the blame for flouting rules mostly lands on the owners of these buildings. But the key questions remain unanswered: How could the owners of the building and the company that took it on rent manage to operate for so long without complying with a building and fire clearance? How could the civic body approve a design plan for a multi-storey building with only one entry and exit? Didn’t regular inspections take place?

Fourteen years after the Uphaar tragedy in Delhi and through several accidents between then and the Friday blaze, the city, its administrators, and citizens have shown scant regard for laws and safety norms. The situation is no different that in many other cities in the country. It’s high time that much more attention is paid to the issue of building regulations and safety norms to ensure that cities are safe for their citizens. The laxity in enforcing norms is taking a tragic toll.

Another U-turn on farm policy - Hindustan Times
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From talking about feeding the world if the World Trade Organization allowed Indian exports to banning wheat exports with immediate effect to check domestic prices, India’s agricultural trade policy has done its usual volte face once again.

What led to the decision is not very difficult to pinpoint. Global markets for wheat have suffered a massive supply shock due to the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. This has put pressure on international prices. A double whammy of fertiliser shortages and a severe premature heat wave has badly hit the wheat crop yield in India and production is likely to end up being significantly lower than earlier projections. While many experts saw this coming, official acknowledgement was delayed, pointing to either hubris or lack of due diligence.

A cocktail of international and domestic supply shocks has led to a spike in prices. Headline consumer price index reached an eight-year high in April 2022. Cereal, especially wheat prices have emerged as an important pressure point. There is good reason to believe that the jump in wholesale prices of wheat will be even greater when the Wholesale Price Index is released on May 17. Higher market prices have led to a drop in government procurement of wheat and stocks are running significantly low compared to recent past.

Allowing wheat exports would have generated more tailwinds for food inflation. Low procurement would have also made it difficult for the government to run its food security programmes smoothly.

Is the export ban decision unambiguously beneficial for everyone?

Far from it. India’s wheat farmers have seen a sharp rise in their cost of cultivation due to rising input costs and drop in yields. The latter has diminished net returns. By short circuiting their attempts to exploit a strong export market, the government has once again sacrificed them at the altar of inflation management. Agricultural and trade policy never displays such urgency when prices crash, and farmers can’t recover costs. The policy contradictions outlined here aren’t unfolding for the first time. Banning exports in the aftermath of a surge in domestic prices has been the standard government response.

Is there a long-term solution to this problem? Two principles must be accepted. If farmers are not allowed to exploit windfall market gains, then the government must not hold back in providing an adequate price cushion through reasonable hikes in Minimum Support Prices (MSPs). The government will have to show this commitment when it announces MSPs for the kharif season.

India also needs to overhaul its official crop information systems on an urgent basis. If the leadership had timely information about the shortfall in wheat output, this policy embarrassment could have been avoided.

South Asian nations must collaborate on climate - Hindustan Times
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Regional cooperation in South Asia has been an exercise in hope but suboptimal in its outcome. The climate crisis can alter it. Home to about one-fourth of the global population, the region is responsible for 4% of historical global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. The annual per capita GHG emissions were 2.6 tonnes of CO2 equivalent in 2019, the lowest of any region globally, while the Gross Domestic Product per capita (purchasing power parity) was $5,814 in 2020, the second lowest globally, just ahead of Africa.

South Asia faces several climate challenges. However, the similarity of the challenges and the complementary strengths of the nations, along with their shared geography, socioeconomic characteristics, and cultures, present opportunities for collaboration among the South Asian countries. For example, the Himalayan countries of Afghanistan, Bhutan, India, Nepal, and Pakistan have large, unutilised hydropower resources. Collaboration on technologies and finances, and the development of a common South Asian power market can lead to increased energy security while reducing power costs and GHG emissions. India’s lead on solar power can help other countries develop this renewable resource as a cheap and principal energy source.

There are existing initiatives that have lessons for all countries: Adaptation strategies of Bangladesh (including its Delta Plan 2100), India’s focus on enhanced energy efficiency, sustainable management of forests by Bhutan, fisheries management by Bangladesh and India, micro-hydropower in Nepal, ecotourism in Maldives and Sri Lanka, and climate-smart agriculture in Bangladesh, India and Pakistan. In addition, India has a rich experience in attempting to develop sustainable and economically productive cities, with programmes such as the Smart Cities Mission, Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation, Swachh Bharat Mission, Housing for All, Start-Up Mission, Street Vendors Act 2014 and India Cooling Action Plan.

Based on the climate crisis challenges and current initiatives, five key areas emerge for regional cooperation: Sustainable urbanisation (inclusive sustainable municipal services, green transport, pollution abatement and prevention); climate-smart agriculture (water and resource efficiency, minimising food wastage, transport logistics and cold chains, and food processing); disaster resilience (joint and coordinated early warning systems for hydro-meteorological events, shared response mechanisms to disasters including chemical and oil spills in coastal areas, and forest fires); renewable and clean energy (solar and wind energy, power storage technologies, joint development of hydropower projects, regional energy market, and increasing energy efficiency across industries, farms, institutions, offices and homes); and downscaled climate modelling to predict short- to long-term impacts and implement people-oriented adaptation plans.

The private sector will have a substantial role in climate adaptation and mitigation. Thus, relaxation of foreign direct investment rules will help, especially for green technologies, digital firms, fourth industrial revolution technologies, waste management and treatment, disaster resilience enhancing processes, and technologies including in infrastructure sectors such as climate-resilient roads and water transport. Countries could establish a South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation Climate Fund, which could pay for adaptation and mitigation initiatives with a strong focus on innovations, joint R&D, technology transfer, knowledge exchange, and capacity building. The fund could also raise money from private foundations and individuals, corporate social responsibility initiatives, and bilateral and multilateral agencies.

In addition, South Asia needs to double down on pursuing sustainable development goals. Lastly, India could leverage its development assistance to other South Asian countries by joining hands with international development agencies to jointly design, fund, and implement climate resilience programmes.

Sanjay Gupta is an independent international analyst on development issues and Uttam Kumar Sinha works at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi The views expressed are personal

Sri Lanka faces an inflection point - Hindustan Times
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Sri Lanka is in the eye of a perfect storm, a crisis with social, political, economic and humanitarian ramifications. We have witnessed the emergence of a multi-class people’s movement, largely peaceful, but full-throated in the anger it expresses against the political leadership for sins of commission, injurious acts that eviscerated the country’s economic fortunes, corruption and grievous shortcomings in governance.

South Asia’s oldest democracy faces an inflection point in its history. The target of the concentrated anger is the political clan of the Rajapaksas, or “dynasty” — the family that has dominated Sri Lankan politics from 2005, won the war against Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, but did not practise the transformative politics needed to effect a reconciliation between the Sinhalese and Tamil communities, and weakened democratic institutions with authoritarian governance.

The island nation’s foreign exchange reserves are at a level that can barely sustain a week’s worth of imports. Sri Lanka is in danger of defaulting on annual repayments of its foreign debt.

The profligacy of successive Sri Lankan governments is much to blame for this state of affairs; budgetary and current account deficits have characterised the country’s financial governance, and Sri Lanka’s economic woes have been building up for more than a decade. While the country needed infrastructure, Chinese projects such as the Hambantota harbour development and the Matalla airport (known as the world’s emptiest airport) have been white elephants — more bling than beneficial. Despite the end of the civil war, large budgetary outlays on defence have outstripped spending on health and education.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who came to power in 2019 promising an era of national splendour and prosperity, is held responsible for policy decisions such as a reduction in taxes that resulted in a fall in cash reserves, and the ban on the import of chemical fertilisers and pesticides resulting in the virtual collapse of the agricultural sector, that pushed the economy over the brink. The Easter Sunday bombings of 2019, Covid-19, its economic costs and the impact on tourism — a major income-earner — together with the global economic fall-out of the Russia-Ukraine war, deepened Sri Lanka’s adversities.

The need of the hour is the restoration of political, and most importantly, economic stability so that the stressed population, particularly the poorer sections, do not suffer more. The restructuring of Sri Lanka’s foreign debt is imperative and needs to be brought to a sustainable level in the near-term. All this will require a slew of urgent economic and financial policy initiatives by the new government, and deftly handled negotiations with creditors and financial institutions, including the International Monetary Fund.

The continuance of Gotabaya Rajapaksa as president is untenable if some semblance of normalcy is to return. Speculation of a military take-over seems overblown, although in the eyes of the Sinhalese majority particularly, the army is popular, and enjoys goodwill. It is unlikely however, that a “Myanmar solution” can apply in Sri Lanka since the army may well have realised that it is not equipped to win the battle against economic collapse and financial mismanagement.

The current protests include not only the majority Sinhalese but also minorities — the Tamils and Muslims — although nationalist Tamil politicians in the North and East have been counselling people in these areas to stay away from the protests, fearing a dilution of their political agendas. The youth, who constitute a visible and vociferous segment of the protesters, say they wish to rise above old divisions and redress the wrongs done to minorities. This is a good augury but majoritarian political inclinations have always been the serpent in Sri Lanka’s Eden and will not be easily vanquished.

Sri Lanka’s political parties are yet to craft a viable strategy to deal with the crisis facing the nation. Whether the newly-appointed (but veteran) prime minister (PM) Ranil Wickremesinghe will be able to steer the country out of the economic crisis is the question. For this, he needs both national and international support. The abolition of the executive presidency is a demand of the protestors and effecting the constitutional measures necessary for this with adequate parliamentary support will be a litmus test of the PM’s commitment to change and help dispel views in some quarters that he is a Rajapaksa choice, brought in to protect the dynasty’s political and material interests.

India’s help to Sri Lanka, which has included two Lines of Credit of $1.5 billion each for food, medicines and other essentials and over $2 billion as deferral of payments from the Central Bank of Sri Lanka to the Reserve Bank of India, underscores its role as a first- responder. China, India’s geopolitical rival on the island, has been less dexterous, tending toward a hard-nosed approach on debt repayments (10% of Sri Lanka’s total foreign debt is owed to China) and displaying low levels of sensitivity to the pain of the people.

Perhaps the time is now right for India to consider a programme of assistance that will provide succour to the most-affected segment of the Lankan population, on the lines of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act in India. Like the housing programme under which India built 50,000 houses in the North and East and in the central highlands after the civil war, this could be administered through a United Nations agency. The humanitarian ramifications of the crisis in Sri Lanka must be effectively addressed because it has implications that reach beyond that country’s borders. Also needed is a smartly-executed communication strategy to counter false news on social and other media that frequently surfaces against India.

Nirupama Rao is a former foreign secretary and high commissioner to Sri Lanka

The views expressed are personal

Bridging the digital divide: Push digitalisation of TVET and industry 4.0 skills - Hindustan Times

India is recognised as one of the youngest nations in the world with over 50% of the population under 30 years. As the country is expected to add another 183 million people to the working age group of 15-64 years between 2020 and 2050, India would make up a substantial share of the addition to the global labour supply (National Commission on Population, 2019). The widening youth population brings upon the policy makers a responsibility to provide adequate opportunities to convert the demographic advantage into demographic dividend. As India is progressively moving towards a “knowledge economy,” it is imperative to transform the large labour pool into an adaptable, flexible and analytical skilled workforce who are responsive to the changing global needs and environment. The work force has to acquire and upgrade the skills that are suitable for the upcoming economic opportunities.

The pandemic has created the disruption of Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) systems, posing a major challenge in the transition from face-to-face training to digital or blended mode of learning. Further, the pandemic has accelerated the push towards digital transformation such as use of e-commerce, digital payments, artificial intelligence, edtech and so on. The digital transformation is having a two-fold effect: First, there is increased focus on developing distance and online learning technologies while addressing the delivery impediments such as limited access to mobile phones, internet connection, lack of digital literacy, limited NSQF approved online content for skill training, lack for ToT in online teaching, monitoring and verification of online skill training and so on These constraints need to be addressed with multi-stakeholder approach and comprehensive policy response.

Second, as the world is gearing up for Industry 4.0 (4IR) with continued digitisation of processes within industry it is imperative that there are provisions for upskilling and reskilling of workforce in new age technologies at several stages of careers for keep them abreast with latest developments in digital technologies. TVET pedagogies are to be adapted for new-age skills such as increased automation, artificial intelligence, block chain, simulation, and gamification. Industry-led TVET programmes, incentive-linked scheme for industry to upskill workforce in new-age skills can be explored as a targetted solution to the looming challenges posed by 4IR. This indicates towards required interventions in building digital readiness of TVET system and making youth Industry 4.0 ready through digital skills.

Need and imperatives - TVET digitalisation

Covid-19 has disrupted the “traditional” delivery of technical and vocational education. The pandemic caused closure of majority of training centres, which required distance and online learning avenues to be explored. For online learning, the challenges of equipment, infrastructure and connectivity were quick to emerge, highlighting a startling digital divide. These times warrant for sustained online delivery for offering skill development through digitalised means. Some imperatives of digitalisation of TVET are as follows:

•There is a pressing need to identify means for improving access to digital infrastructure - Internet, mobile phone, laptops, and mobile data and so on, especially for trainees from low-income groups who have limited access to the equipment required to support online learning. According to the GSMA Connected Women - Mobile Gender Gap Report 2019, in low and middle income countries, 45% of adults do not use mobile internet, and women are 10% less likely to own a mobile phone and 23% less likely to use mobile internet. Interventions for providing access to equipment and services for students and teachers will be a critical part of any digitalisation plan (ILO, 2021)

•Reframing National Qualification Framework (NSQF) and Cost Common Norms to include guidelines for online skill training. Union Budget 2022 also highlighted the need for revamping NSQF to align it with evolving industries.

•Effective distance learning platforms and pedagogical resources have become a necessity for seamless delivery of online learning. These platforms should have quality and capacity to allow meeting the needs of stakeholders such as monitoring, verification for training providers, funding organization and feedback, query resolution for trainees.

•Building capabilities of trainers to deliver training through virtual mode can be one of the most enabling factors of digitalisation. Industry led ToT programmes on delivery, assessment, certification and industry based curriculum and continuous improvement of trainers needs to be established with a possibility of industry immersion for trainers for a specified time to gain hands on experience.

•Innovative solutions can be explored through Public Private Partnerships (PPP) to support access to digital technology, develop curriculum, ToT etc. Further government can support by mobilizing and allocating financial resources for enabling digital skill development, through levy-based funding and provide incentives for various PPP types.

Industry 4.0 Skills: Need of the hour

The digital transformation has impacted economies, societies and has triggered new policy changes. In line with prime minister’s vision for Digital India, the Union Budget 2022 also highlights the importance of TVET digitalisation and digital skills with focused interventions such as establishment of Digital University, launch of DESH-Stack E-Portal, high quality e-content through digital teachers, startups to facilitate skill training in Drone Shakti, establishment of 750 virtual labs and 75 skilling e-labs for simulated learning environment.

Industry 4.0 technological advancements viewed as “disruptive technologies” – internet of things, block chain, nanotechnology, AI, robotics, bionics and so on are profoundly changing the world of work and the way people work and interact with one another. The policy makers need to use the digital momentum to make TVET systems better positioned for the technological transformation. The workforce for future needs to be equipped for rapidly changing digital world, the government needs interventions for regularly updating skilling curricula, regulations to cover new skills and competences, deploying new methods of training delivery. Some proposed policy responses for making workforce future ready could be as follows:

•Mapping new skills required sector/industry wise, this would give cues to new technologies, career pathways, upskilling/reskilling interventions required

•Incentive-linked programmes can encourage increased industrial participation. This would also help bringing about awareness on the need for reskilling for making workforce future ready.

•Advocacy for newer skills demanded by industries and the need for upskilling the workforce. Concerted efforts are required by all stakeholders: Policy makers, Trainers, Training providers, workers, and employers for building awareness on emerging skills needs under 4IR, potential skills gaps, and opportunities for training in those skill.

•Emphasis on soft skills such as communication, adaptability, problem solving, resilience and so on can enhance the employee’s ability to deal with dynamic work situations and can be an important facet in the success of Industry 4.0.

•Safety net provisions such as insurance, maternity benefits, bank linkage should be strengthened in 4IR policies given the informal nature of jobs in India.

Kundan Kumar is advisor, skill development and employment, Niti Aayog, and Gagan Preet Kaur, consultant grade II, skill development and employment, Niti Aayog

The views expressed are personal

DC Edit | Headwinds in economy are a challenge for India - Deccan Chronicle

The Central government’s decision to all but ban wheat exports, just days after Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself declared India’s intent to feed the world, shows the gravity of rising inflation, which was swept under the carpet to boost the Covid-hit economic growth.

While the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) expressed concern about rising inflation, the government did not show any signs of worrying about price rise. However, the export curbs, which were imposed merely a day after the retail inflation — measured through the Consumer Price Index — shot up to an eight-year-high of 7.79 per cent, reflecting the panic among the top decision-makers in the government.

 

Housing, cereals and transportation have nearly one-third weightage in the calculation of the retail inflation. The rise in housing costs still remained stable at 3.47 per cent, but the prices of cereals and transportation, which have over 18 per cent weightage, rose by 5.96 per cent and 10.91 per cent, respectively, in April. The inflation in cereals in villages, in particular, is more pronounced at 6.38 per cent. A decline in wheat output because of an unprecedented heatwave and global demand for Indian wheat could have set fire to prices.

 

There were reports of government officials suggesting an increased supply of rice in the Public Distribution Scheme (PDS) while allowing farmers to reap the dividend of the global wheat shortage. However, the realisation must have dawned upon the officials that people won’t accept the change in their meal so happily, which could reflect in the Electronic Voting Machines.

Food inflation is the last thing that the government wants to spiral out of control, especially in the wake of the worsening spectacle of the rupee, which hit an all-time low of 77.625 against the dollar last week. Despite India holding the highest foreign reserves since 1947, the rupee bore the brunt of several adverse foreign events, which are beyond the control of the Indian government. The factors that are weakening the rupee are higher crude oil prices, tightening global monetary conditions, geopolitical uncertainty, and global food shortages.

 

The domestic supply-side inflation is also putting pressure on the rupee as it diminishes the return on investment and scares away foreign investors, especially when the economic growth is not attractive enough. According to the RBI, the Indian economy is projected to grow at the rate of 7.2 per cent in the current financial year, which is not by any measure a relief from inflation that was projected to be hovering around 5.7 per cent.

Adjusted to inflation, the economic growth rate would be merely 1.5 per cent, which is hardly more attractive to foreign investors than a 2.93 per cent yield that the 10-year US treasury bills give. The result could be seen in foreign portfolio investors selling Rs 1.48 lakh crores worth stocks in the calendar year 2022 and the decline of foreign reserves to $595.95 billion — the lowest since March 2021 — an erosion of $47 billion since September 2021.

 

The writing on the wall is, therefore, clear. The Indian economy cannot remain unaffected when the entire world is in the doldrums. However, it is precisely these circumstances that really test the mettle of the leadership, for anyone can navigate the ship when the wind is favourable.

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The Central Bureau of Investigation unearthing a cricket betting racket involving a few bookies and punters in different cities is a reminder that gambling is a canker that can never be extinguished. The information given out by the agency regarding a Pakistan angle to a conspiracy to lure people into betting on cricket is worrisome but this pattern was discerned decades ago as the crime mafias in India, owing allegiance to gangsters in a Gulf country, also used to run the cricket betting.

The cricket in the IPL has been inured to living with strong whiffs of scandal of spot and match-fixing. In fact, the last big betting scandal to emerge from the IPL in 2013 led to revolutionary changes in the administration but not necessarily in the ways it operates. The game was affected when the scandal burst too close to the dugouts and players’ names were bandied about even as the top court acted to try and clean it all up by reining in top honchos and their close kin of two franchises who were involved in betting.

 

Truth to tell, IPL’s T20 cricket, subject to great uncertainties, is particularly susceptible to fixing overtures and many players had faced life bans in the past but which were invariably overturned by the judiciary, mostly on technicalities. Learning to live with occasional exposes and their fallout has been the game’s strong suit. The latest shock that threatens to cast doubts on the results of matches in IPL 2019 will probably be lived down as no players or team owners or officials have been named.

The rise of the fantasy cricket in digital avatars, with star multimillionaire cricketers seen actively promoting them on television in return for handsome endorsement fees, may have taken the heat off the suspected tentacles of the shadow illegal industry reaching the inner ring. But cricket must know that its fair name alone would guarantee the sustenance of the mystique of IPL and its valuation as a league worth billions of dollars. The latest expose will probably change nothing but it’s a warning to the game to keep its players corralled in integrity.

 

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Senior Congress leader Kapil Sibal has been unusually silent after he set the proverbial cat among the pigeons two months ago by publicly suggesting that the Gandhis should step aside and give somebody else a chance to lead the party. A leading and vocal member of the pro-changers or G-23 Congress leaders who have been demanding an organisational overhaul and a more visible leadership, Mr Sibal has apparently been silenced not by the Gandhi sycophants (which, of course, would be expected) but by other members of the G-23, which includes senior leaders like Ghulam Nabi Azad, Bhupinder Singh Hooda, Anand Sharma and Prithviraj Chavan. Though these leaders privately agree that it is time for a non-Gandhi to head the Congress, they were not happy that Mr Sibal had spoken to the media about it. They conveyed as much to Mr Sibal and asked him to keep a low profile for some time. It is possibly for the same reason that Mr Sibal decided not to attend the Congress chintan shivir at Udaipur. In fact, most other G-23 leaders are in Udaipur and are awaiting the outcome of the discussions before they make their next move. Since none of them can afford to leave the Congress, their best bet is to act as a pressure group in the party.

After veteran leader Oscar Fernandes, Nagaland Congress leaders have finally found a kindred spirit in Ajoy Kumar, who is the party’s state in-charge. While Mr Fernandes established a rapport with the music-loving leaders from the Northeastern state by playing the mouth organ in the midst of serious discussions, Ajoy Kumar joins in their sing-song by playing the guitar. This has thrilled Nagaland Congress leaders who maintain Ajoy Kumar is a welcome change from his predecessor C.P. Joshi. They said not only does Mr Kumar play the guitar but also sings English songs and, most importantly, is not a vegetarian.

 

According to them, it was difficult to converse with Mr Joshi who was not just a taciturn person by nature but was also not too fluent in English. Communication between them, therefore, was a problem. Moreover, the few times Mr Joshi did visit Nagaland, he made a beeline for the local Bharatiya Janata Party chief’s place to savour Marwari vegetarian food served there. It is to be seen now if Ajoy Kumar and the Nagaland Congress can convert this “musical fest” into an electoral victory.

It is often said that there are no permanent friends or foes in politics, only permanent interests. Now take the case of Maharashtra Navnirman Sena chief Raj Thackeray, also Maharashtra chief minister Uddhav Thackeray’s estranged cousin. In 2019 when the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Shiv Sena contested the Lok Sabha elections together, Raj Thackeray led a bitter campaign against the two parties. The Congress and Nationalist Congress Party were thrilled that Raj was doing their work of demolishing their political opponents. However, Raj failed in his mission and the BJP-Shiv Sena cruised to a thumping victory in the state. He was not seen or heard for the last three years till the BJP’s Maharashtra unit decided to utilise his services in its ongoing effort to dethrone the Maha Vikas Aghadi government. Consequently, Raj Thackeray has hit the streets and grabbed headlines once again but the tables have turned this time. Besides Shiv Sena, the MNS chief is also taking on the NCP-Congress, the same parties which had once depended on him to vanquish their political enemy.

 

That Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath is the political boss of the Hindi heartland state can hardly be disputed. But his influence also extends to his home state of Uttarakhand. For instance, it is common knowledge in the hill state that Yogi played a role in the electoral victory of Ritu Khanduri, daughter of former chief minister B.C. Khanduri, in the recent Assembly poll from Kotdwar though even her BJP colleagues didn’t think she would make it. It is said that Ritu Khanduri was named Speaker of the Uttarakhand Assembly after Yogi put in a word for her. Little wonder then that the new Speaker made it a point to call on Yogi Adityanath when he came to visit his mother in Uttarakhand. In fact, she also travelled to Lucknow to thank Yogi for his help.

 

With Prime Minister Narendra Modi personally leading his party’s campaign to woo the Sikh community, it is being speculated that former Punjab chief minister Amarinder Singh may be rewarded for ditching the Congress and joining hands with the Bharatiya Janata Party in the recent Assembly polls. According to the Delhi political grapevine, Mr Singh may be nominated to the Rajya Sabha as several members in the distinguished persons’ category are set to retire soon. In fact, there is talk that the former Congress leader could even be accommodated as a Cabinet minister to showcase a prominent Sikh face in the Modi government. But this is all in the future. For the present, Amarinder Singh has rented a place in South Delhi as he plans to spend a lot more time in Delhi.

 

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Mahatma Gandhi remains the most enduring global political icon of the past century. From Vladimir Lenin to Che Guevara, from Ho Chi Minh to Nelson Mandela, many national leaders have acquired global prominence and a following to match. Each of them remains a true and genuine “Vishwa Guru”, continuing to inspire millions of idealistic and patriotic people around the world. However, while the global appeal of some may have waxed and waned, the power of Mahatma Gandhi’s brand endures and continues to acquire traction around the world.

Gandhiji’s appeal to his fellow Indians is such that even political parties critical of him, like the Communist parties and the BJP, have had to come to terms with his iconic status. It is, therefore, not surprising that the latest entrant to the Indian political stage, Prashant Kishor, has also sought to launch himself and his new political project in the name of the Mahatma on his birth anniversary later this year.

 

Prashant Kishor not only chose a Gandhian quote as his motto — “the best politics is right action” — but also chose a Gandhian location, Champaran in Bihar, to launch his padayatra preceding the launch of a political party, making the announcement with Gandhiji’s visual presence.

The Indian National Congress was the first political party, inspired by the Mahatma, to successfully launch itself as a party of government. It’s first major challenger, the Janata Party of 1977, was led by a Gandhian, Jayaprakash Narayan, and also launched itself in the presence of the Mahatma’s visible symbols. On being elected to Parliament in March 1977, members belonging to the Janata Party gathered around Gandhiji’s samadhi at Rajghat in New Delhi and swore to adhere by his ideals.

 

Over time, however, Gandhiji has come to be remembered only on his birth and death anniversaries, or when the Opposition political parties decide to stage a demonstration outside Parliament House in the shadow of the Mahatma’s inspiring statue.

It would be interesting to see if Prashant Kishor adopted the Mahatma as his political icon and inspiration because the data that he gathered shows a countrywide urge to return to the roots of the national movement that united a divided India? Is an India that is once again being divided along communal, caste, linguistic and regional lines yearning for a leader that will bring them all together?

 

Aware of the power of brand in politics, has Mr Kishor encountered a hunger for secular patriotism among a growing number of young people across the country?

Gandhiji ignited patriotism by uniting Indians cutting across their many divides. He also projected India’s unique personality on the world stage. At a time when India is internally divided and its external image is dented, a new Gandhian narrative could restore domestic peace and harmony and enhance external prestige. Gandhiji’s message of non-violence and social equality are as relevant to India today as they were in his time.

 

Most political parties have increasingly come to draw inspiration from sectional or provincial leaders representing narrow political platforms. The Congress Party, now morphed into the Sonia Congress, promotes itself as the inheritor of a political dynasty from Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv and Sonia to Rahul Gandhi. The Left parties continue to seek ideological inspiration from Marx and Lenin, but at the party political level count on the legacy of an EMS, a Sundarayya, an Achutanandan and a Jyoti Basu.

The BJP, especially in recent years, has tried hard to overcome the historic legacy of its deep ideological differences with Gandhiji but has so far been unable to ignore the widespread national and international affection and respect for the Mahatma. One problem for the BJP has been its inability to elevate any of the pre-Independence leaders of the Sangh Parivar to Gandhiji’s status. They have instead had to borrow Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel from the Congress.

 

While the Congress has over time subtly replaced Gandhiji with Nehru and Indira as its principal icons, Narendra Modi and Amit Shah’s BJP is not yet comfortable elevating Atal Behari Vajpayee to that kind of iconic status. Even though there is still a wellspring of affection for him within the Sangh Parivar, Hindutva hardliners resent the softer, liberal face of Hinduism that Vajpayee came to represent. On the other hand, Narendra Modi loyalists are working hard to elevate the Prime Minister to iconic status, most recently demonstrated by the manner in which a book marking his two decades in political office has been launched.

 

For the sectional and regional political parties, their founders are their icons. Thus, a Chaudhary Charan Singh remains the icon for those who remain loyal to his legacy just as Kanshi Ram and Mayawati inspire their supporters. Regional political leaders have appealed more to sectional loyalties rather than a larger ideology, though some have been more nationally inspiring than others.

Annadurai was the inheritor and preserver of a Dravidian identity while Charan Singh represented farmers’ interests. N.T. Rama Rao focused on Telugu pride but also ended up mobilising the wider national sentiment against the authoritarianism of a dominant political force. When the party he created reduced itself into just another regional outfit, it lost the elan that NTR imparted to it.

 

It remains to be seen what ideology or platform Prashant Kishor will come to represent, given his eclectic record as a political consultant. Arvind Kejriwal initially built his brand around good governance and the fight against corruption, but has settled down to being just another politician.

However, just as Mr Kejriwal has earned his credentials with victories in Delhi and Punjab, Mr Kishor will have to first prove his mettle in his home state of Bihar before he can be taken seriously elsewhere.

Mr Kishor would know that politics is not just about numbers but also about tapping identifiable and quantifiable loyalties. Both are important in the age of information warfare and symbolic campaigning. Has Mr Kishor discovered through his political data mining a new reverence for the apostle of non-violence in a country increasingly riven by violence in the pursuit of sectional interests and naked power? How he translates Gandhian idealism into a political and economic policy platform remains to be seen.

 

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