மருத்துவ அறிவியல் மிகப் பெரிய சாதனையை நிகழ்த்துவதற்கு முன்னோட்டம் நடத்தியிருக்கிறது. ஒட்டுமொத்த மனித இனத்துக்குமே வரப்பிரசாதமாக அமைய இருக்கும் அந்த சாதனை, அமெரிக்காவில் நிகழ்ந்திருக்கிறது.
நியூயாா்க்கிலுள்ள மருத்துவமனை ஒன்றில் இதயம் செயலிழந்து மரணத்தின் விளிம்பில் இருந்த 57 வயது நோயாளி ஒருவருக்கு பன்றியின் இதயம் வெற்றிகரமாகப் பொருத்தப்பட்டிருக்கிறது. செயலிழக்கும் மனித உறுப்புகளுக்கு பதிலாக, விலங்கினங்களின் உறுப்புகளை மாற்று அறுவை சிகிச்சை மூலம் பொருத்துவதற்கு ‘செனோடிரான்ஸ்பிளாண்ட்’ என்று பெயா். அமெரிக்காவின் பால்டிமோரைச் சோ்ந்த டேவிட் பென்னட், மரபணு மாற்றப்பட்ட பன்றியின் இதயம் அறுவை சிகிச்சை மூலம் வெற்றிகரமாக பொருத்தப்பட்ட முதல் மனிதராக வரலாற்றில் அறியப்படுவாா்.
17-ஆவது நூற்றாண்டு முதலே விலங்கினங்களின் ரத்தத்தை மனிதா்களுக்கு செலுத்தும் முயற்சிகள் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டு வருகின்றன. ஜீன் பேப்டைஸ் டெனிஸ் என்கிற பிரெஞ்ச் மருத்துவா், செம்மறி ஆட்டின் ரத்தத்தை சிறுவன் ஒருவனுக்கு செலுத்தியதுதான் பதிவாகி இருக்கும் முதலாவது ரத்த மாற்று முயற்சி. 19-ஆவது நூற்றாண்டு முதலே விலங்கினங்களின் தோல் பகுதிகளை மனிதா்களுக்குப் பொருத்தும் முயற்சிகள் மேற்கொள்ளப்படுகின்றன. 1838-இல் முதன்முறையாக பன்றியின் விழிவெண்படலம் (காா்னியா) ஒருவருக்கு வெற்றிகரமாகப் பொருத்தப்பட்டது.
20-ஆம் நூற்றாண்டில் பல்வேறு ‘செனோடிரான்ஸ்பிளாண்ட்’ முயற்சிகள் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டன. 1960-இல் நியூ ஆா்லியன்ஸில் ரீம்ட்ஸ்மா என்கிற அறுவை சிகிச்சை மருத்துவா், மனித குரங்குகளின் சிறுநீரகத்தை அறுவை மாற்று சிகிச்சை மூலம் 13 பேருக்கு பொருத்தி சோதனை நடத்தினாா். அதில் ஒரே ஒருவா் மட்டும் அந்த சிறுநீரகத்தை ஏற்றுக்கொண்டு மூன்று மாதங்கள் வாழ்ந்தாா். 1964-இல் மனிதக் குரங்கின் இதயம் ஒருவருக்குப் பொருத்தப்பட்டு அந்த முயற்சி தோல்வியில் முடிந்தது.
நியூயாா்க்கில் நடந்திருக்கும் இதய மாற்று அறுவை சிகிச்சைக்கு முன்னோடி சோதனை இந்தியாவில்தான் நடந்தது. 1996-இல் பரூவா என்கிற அறுவை சிகிச்சை மருத்துவா், 32 வயது பூா்னோ சைக்யா என்பவருக்கு பன்றியின் நுரையீரலையும், இதயத்தையும் மாற்று அறுவை சிகிச்சை மூலம் பொருத்த முற்பட்டாா். அந்த நோயாளி இறந்தாா் என்பது மட்டுமல்ல, முன் அனுமதி இல்லாமல் சோதனை நடத்தியதற்காக மருத்துவா் பரூவா கைது செய்யப்பட்டு, தனது மருத்துவா் பட்டத்தையும் இழக்க நோ்ந்தது. உலகில் அதுதான் பன்றியின் இதயத்தை மனிதா்களுக்குப் பொருத்தும் முதல் முயற்சி.
கடந்த ஆண்டு செப்டம்பா் மாதம் நியூயாா்க் பல்கலைக்கழகத்தின் லங்கோன் மருத்துவ மையத்தில், முற்றிலுமாக மூளை செயலிழந்துவிட்ட ஒருவருக்கு மரபணு மாற்றப்பட்ட பன்றியின் சிறுநீரகத்தை பொருத்தும் முயற்சி மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டது. மனித உடலிலுள்ள எதிா்ப்பு சக்தி அந்நிய பொருள்கள் எதையும் ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளாது என்பதால், பன்றிகள் மரபணு மாற்றப்பட்டு பயன்படுத்தப்படுகின்றன. அதன் மூலம் பொருத்தப்படும் உறுப்புகள் நிராகரிக்கப்படாமல் வேலை செய்யும் என்பது எதிா்பாா்ப்பு.
ஏனைய விலங்கினங்களைவிட, பன்றியின் உறுப்புகள் மனித உறுப்புகளுடன் பொருந்துவதாக கடந்த அரை நூற்றாண்டுக்கும் மேலாக அறியப்படுகிறது. இதற்காகவே ரெவிவிகாா் என்கிற அமெரிக்க நிறுவனம் ஒரு பண்ணையை ஏற்படுத்தி அதில் மரபணு மாற்றப்பட்ட பன்றிகளை வளா்க்கிறது. மருத்துவ பரிசோதனைக்காக இந்தப் பன்றிகள் வழங்கப்படுகின்றன. இதேபோல வேறு சில பண்ணைகளும் அமெரிக்காவில் உருவாகியிருக்கின்றன.
பன்றியின் உறுப்புகள் நிராகரிக்கப்படாமல் இருப்பதற்காக அதன் 10 மரபணுக்கள் மாற்றப்படுகின்றன. அவற்றில் நான்கு செயலிழக்கச் செய்யப்படுகிறது. மனிதா்களின் ஆறு மரபணுக்கள் பன்றிக்குச் செலுத்தப்பட்டு அதன் மூலம் நிராகரிப்புக்கான வாய்ப்பைக் குறைக்கிறாா்கள். இவையெல்லாம் தொடா்ந்து நடைபெறும் சோதனை முயற்சிகள்.
பன்றி உள்ளிட்ட விலங்கினங்களின் உறுப்புகளை மனிதா்களுக்குப் பொருத்தும் முயற்சியில் சில ஆபத்துகளும் இருக்கின்றன. எத்தனை காலத்திற்கு அந்த உறுப்புகள் மனித உடலில் செயல்படும் என்பது தெரியாது. அதனால், பக்கவிளைவுகள் ஏற்படுமா என்பதும் தெரியாது. அதன் மூலம் இதுவரை மனிதஇனம் அறியாத புதிய நோய்கள் அந்த விலங்கினங்கள் மூலம் மனிதா்களுக்கு பரவும் அபாயமும் நிறையவே உண்டு.
சாா்ஸ், கொவைட் 19, பறவைக் காய்ச்சல் போன்ற விலங்கினங்களிலிருந்தும், பறவைகளிலிருந்தும் நோய்த்தொற்றுப் பரவல் காணப்படும் நிலையில், இதுபோன்ற முயற்சிகள் தேவைதானா என்கிற கேள்வியும் எழுப்பப்படுகிறது. மனிதா்களைக் காப்பாற்றுவதற்காக விலங்கினங்களை பலியிடலாமா என்கிற கேள்விக்கு, பெரும்பாலான மக்கள் விலங்குகளைக் கொன்று மாமிசமாக உட்கொள்ளும்போது மனிதா்களைக் காப்பாற்றுவதற்காக விலங்குகளின் உறுப்புகளை பொருத்துவதில் தவறில்லை என்கிறாா்கள் மருத்துவா்கள்.
இந்தியாவில் மட்டுமே ஆண்டொன்றுக்கு சுமாா் 30,000 கல்லீரல் தேவைப்படும் நிலையில், 1,500 மாற்று அறுவை சிகிச்சைகள்தான் நடத்த முடிகிறது. 50,000-க்கும் அதிகமானோருக்கு இதய மாற்று சிகிச்சை தேவைப்படும் நிலையில், அதிகபட்சம் ஆண்டொன்றுக்கு 15 இதய மாற்று சிகிச்சைகள்தான் நடத்த முடிகின்றன. உலக அளவில் பல லட்சம் சிறுநீரக மாற்று சிகிச்சை தேவைப்படுகிறது.
அறிவியல் சோதனைகள் தொடா்வது மனிதஇனத்தின் நன்மைக்காக என்றால், அதை வரவேற்பதுதான் ஆக்கபூா்வ அணுகுமுறை.
பல நூற்றாண்டுகள் பழமை வாய்ந்த செப்புத் திருமேனிகள், கற்சிலைகள் குறித்த ஆவணங்களைத் தயாரிக்க, போதிய நிபுணத்துவம் பெற்றவர்கள் இல்லாததால், அவற்றை ஆவணப்படுத்துவதில் தொடர் சிக்கல் நிலவுகிறது. உலகத்தின் பல்வேறு அருங்காட்சியகங்களிலும், ஏல மையங்களிலும் காட்சிப் பொருள்களாக இருந்துகொண்டிருக்கும் இந்தியக் கலைப்பொருள்களை மீட்பதற்குத் தேவையான ஆவணங்கள் நம்மிடம் இல்லை.
தமிழகத்தில் இந்து சமய அறநிலையத்துறையின் கட்டுப்பாட்டில் 37,000-க்கும் மேற்பட்ட கோயில்கள் உள்ளன. இவற்றில் தொன்மையான பற்பல கோயில்களுக்குச் சொந்தமான சிலைகள் மாயமாகிவிட்டதாக புகார்கள் உள்ளன. மானுடவியல் ஆவணங்களான புராதன கலைப்பொருள்களைப் பாதுகாக்க மத்திய - மாநில அரசுகள் போதிய கவனம் செலுத்த வேண்டியது அவசியம்.
1992 முதல் 2017 வரையிலான காலகட்டத்தில் தமிழக கோயில்களில் இருந்து 1,200 பழங்காலச் சிலைகள் திருடப்பட்டுள்ளன. அவற்றில் 830 சிலைகள் கற்சிலைகள் ஆகும். மற்றவை ஐம்பொன் உலோகச் சிலைகள். அதற்கு முந்தைய காலத்தில் காணாமல் போன கோயில் சிலைகள் குறித்த தரவுகள் இந்து அறநிலையத் துறையிடம் இருப்பதாகத் தெரியவில்லை.
கோயில்களில் திருடி விற்கப்பட்ட சிலைகளுக்கு, லண்டனில் உள்ள "ஆர்ட் லாஸ் ரெஜிஸ்டர்' நிறுவனம் சான்றிதழ்களை வழங்கியிருக்கிறது. இந்த நிறுவனம் கடந்த 10 ஆண்டுகளில் எந்தெந்த இந்தியக் கலைப்பொருள்களுக்குச் சான்றிதழ்களை வழங்கியிருக்கிறது என்ற தகவல்களை நாம் கேட்டுப் பெற்றால் தமிழ்நாட்டின் பெரும்பாலான கோயில் சிலைகளை மீட்க முடியும்.
கடந்த 20 ஆண்டுகளில், நாடு முழுவதும் 3,676 பாதுகாக்கப்பட்ட நினைவுச்சின்னங்களில் இருந்து 4,408 கலைப்பொருள்கள் திருடப்பட்டுள்ளன. அவற்றில் 1,493 கலைப்பொருள்கள் மட்டுமே மீட்கப்பட்டுள்ளன. மீதமுள்ள கலைப்பொருள்களில் 2,913 பொருள்கள், உலகெங்கிலும் உள்ள அருங்காட்சியகளிலும், ஏல மையங்களிலும் அடைந்து கிடக்கின்றன.
1972 முதல் 2000 வரை 17 சிலைகள் மட்டுமே மீட்கப்பட்டுள்ளன. 2000 முதல் 2012-ஆம் ஆண்டு வரை ஒரு சிலைகூட மீட்கப்படவில்லை.
உலக கலைப்பொருள் சந்தையில் சோழர்கால செப்புத் திருமேனிகள், நடராஜர் சிலைகளுக்கு, பெரும் வரவேற்பு உள்ளது. சிலைகள் மட்டுமல்லாமல், செப்பேடுகள், மரப்பொருள்கள், விளக்குகள், இறைவன் எழுந்தருளும் வாகனங்கள், பட்டயங்கள் போன்ற கலைப்பொருள்களும் கடத்தப்படுகின்றன. கற்சிலைகளின் விலை அதிகம் என்பதால், உடைந்துபோன கற்சிலைகளும் திருடப்படுகின்றன.
சிலைகளின் தொன்மைக்கேற்ப அவற்றின் விலை கூடுகிறது. வாஷிங்டனைச் சேர்ந்த "குளோபல் ஃபைனான்ஷியல் இன்டக்ரிட்டி' என்ற குழு, ஆண்டுக்கு ரூ. 40,000 கோடி மதிப்புள்ள புராதன கலைப்பொருள்கள் சட்ட விரோத வர்த்தகத்தில் புழங்குவதாகத் தெரிவித்துள்ளது. இவற்றில் இந்திய சிலைகளே அதிகம் என்று கூறுகிறது அக்குழு.
2010 முதல் 2012 வரை கோயில்களில் இருந்து 4,408 கலைப்பொருள்கள் திருடப்பட்டதாக தேசிய குற்ற ஆவணக் காப்பகம் கூறுகிறது. வெளிநாடுகளில் உள்ள அருங்காட்சியகங்களில் 2,913 சிலைகள் மட்டுமே இருப்பது கண்டுபிடிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.
பிரெஞ்ச் இன்ஸ்டிடியூட் ஆஃப் பாண்டிச்சேரி நிறுவனத்திடம்தான் 1950-ஆம் ஆண்டிலிருந்து கோயில் சிலைகள், நினைவுச் சின்னங்களை ஆவணப்படுத்திய ஒளிப்படங்கள் உள்ளன. அந்த ஆவணத் தொகுப்பில் இந்திய கோயில் சிலைகள், நினைவுச் சின்னங்களின் 1,35,629 படங்கள் உள்ளன. அவற்றில் தமிழக கோயில் சிலைகள், கோயில் ஓவியங்களின் ஒளிப்படங்களின் எண்ணிக்கை மட்டுமே 86,057.
அந்நிறுவனத்திடமிருக்கும் ஆவணங்களை இந்து சமய அறநிலையத் துறையும், சிலை கடத்தல் தடுப்பு பிரிவும் சரியாகப் பயன்படுத்திக் கொண்டால், கோயில் சிலைகளை நாம் ஆவணப்படுத்துவதும், கடத்தப்பட்ட சிலைகளை மீட்பதும் எளிதாக இருக்கும். சர்வதேச காவல் அமைப்பான இன்டர்போல், பாண்டிச்சேரி ஆவணங்களை மட்டும்தான் ஆதாரமாகக் கொள்கிறது என்பது குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது.
தமிழக கோயில்களில் உள்ள 3,37,151 திருமேனிகள் ஆவணப்படுத்தப்பட்டுள்ளன. இந்தத் திருமேனிகளைப் பாதுகாப்பதற்காக 12,000 கோயில்களில் பாதுகாப்பு அறைகள் அமைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளன. ஆவணப்படுத்தப்பட்டுள்ள திருமேனிகளில் 8,693 உலோகத் திருமேனிகள் மட்டுமே பாதுகாப்பு அறைகளில் உள்ளன. மற்றவை குறித்த விவரங்கள் இல்லை.
போதைப்பொருள் கடத்தலுக்கு அடுத்ததாக கலைப்பொருள்கள் கடத்தல் இருப்பதாக பொருளாதார குற்றத் தடுப்புத் துறை தெரிவித்துள்ளது. செப்பேடுகள், உலோகத் திருமேனிகள், கற்சிலைகள் திருடப்படுவதைத் தடுக்க சட்டங்களைக் கடுமையாக்க வேண்டியது அவசியம்.
கோயிலின் தொன்மை, சிலைகளின் மதிப்பு குறித்த ஆவணங்களை வரலாற்று நிபுணர்கள் மூலம் பெற்று, அவற்றை இணையத்தில் பதிவேற்றுவது, புகைப்படங்கள், விடியோ பதிவுகளைச் சேகரிப்பது ஆகியவை மூலமாக, நம் புராதன பொக்கிஷங்களைப் பாதுகாக்கலாம்.
மேலும், செப்புத் திருமேனிகள் உள்பட அனைத்து தொன்மையான கலைப்பொருள்களின் கீழும் லேசர் அடையாளங்களைப் பதிக்க வேண்டும். அதன் மூலம் சிலைகளை எளிதாக அடையாளம் காண முடியும்.
1950 முதல், தமிழக காவல் நிலையங்கள் அனைத்திலும் பதிவான சிலைக்கடத்தல் தொடர்பான வழக்குகள் அனைத்தையும் மறு விசாரணை செய்யும் வகையில் அதுகுறித்த விவரங்களை வெளியிட்டால், வெளிநாடுகளில் உள்ள சிலைகளை மீட்டு இங்கு கொண்டுவர வசதியாக இருக்கும்.
அருங்காட்சியங்களில் மட்டுமல்லாது, இந்தியா முழுவதும் காட்சிப்படுத்தப்பட்டுள்ள தெய்வச் சிலைகளை மீட்டு, கோயில்களில் உள்ள பாதுகாப்பு அறைகளில் பத்திரமாக வைத்தால் மட்டும் போதாது. அவற்றை வழிபாட்டுக்கும் பயன்படுத்த வேண்டும். அப்போதுதான் நமது வரலாறு வெறும் காட்சிப் பொருளாக இல்லாமல், மனித வாழ்வியலோடு ஒன்றிணையும்.
நமது நாட்டில் பெண்களின் திருமண வயதை நிா்ணயிக்கும் சட்டங்கள் ஆங்கிலேயா் காலத்திலிருந்தே சா்சைக்குரியனவாகவே இருந்து வந்திருக்கின்றன. சிறு குழந்தைகளுக்கு திருமணம் செய்து வைக்கப்படும் கொடுமையை தடுக்கும் சட்டம் ஒன்றை கொண்டு வர 19-ஆம் நூற்றாண்டின் இறுதியிலேயே ஆங்கிலேய அரசு முயன்றது. அன்றைய காலகட்டத்தில் இந்தச் சட்டத்திற்கு பெரும் எதிா்ப்பு கிளம்பியது.
1891-இல் அரசு முன்வைத்த இந்தச் சட்டத்தின் முன்வடிவிற்கு பால கங்காதர திலகா் தன்னுடைய ‘கேசரி’ இதழின் வாயிலாக கடுமையாக கண்டனம் தெரிவித்தாா். இந்து மதத்தின் அடிப்படைக் கூறுகளில் தலையிட, ஆங்கிலேயா்களுக்கு எந்த உரிமையும் இல்லை என்று முழங்கினாா். திலகரின் இந்த கூற்றுக்கு அன்றைய இந்துக்களிடையே பேராதரவு கிடைத்தது. அதனால், இச்சட்ட முன்வடிவை அரசு திரும்பப் பெற்றது.
தமிழ்நாட்டில் 19-ஆம் நூற்றாண்டின் இறுதியிலும், 20-ஆம் நூற்றாண்டின் தொடக்கத்திலும் நீதிபதி மாயூரம் வேதநாயகம் பிள்ளை, பாரதியாா் போன்றவா்கள் பெண் விடுதலை குறித்து எழுதி விழிப்புணா்வு ஊட்டினாா்கள். இந்திய அளவில் பெண் விடுதலை இயக்கங்கள் எழுச்சி பெற்றன. சிறு வயதிலேயே பெண் குழந்தைகளுக்குத் திருமணம் செய்யும் கொடுமையைத் தடை செய்ய வேண்டும் என்று டாக்டா் முத்துலட்சுமி ரெட்டி, ஹா்பிலாஸ் சாா்தா போன்றவா்கள் குரலெழுப்பினா்.
இப்படிப்பட்ட சூழ்நிலையில், 1929-இல் மீண்டும் ஒரு முயற்சி எடுக்கப்பட்டு இந்த சட்ட முன்வடிவை, ராஜஸ்தான் அஜ்மீா் பகுதியைச் சோ்ந்த சமூக சீா்திருத்தவாதி ராய் சாஹிப் ஹா்பிலாஸ் சாா்தா, முன்மொழிய, 1929, செப்டம்பா் 28-ஆம் நாள் குழந்தைத் திருமண தடுப்புச் சட்டம் நிறைவேற்றப்பட்டது.
இந்தச் சட்டத்தின்படி திருமணம் செய்வதற்கு பெண்ணுக்கு பதினான்கு வயதும், ஆணுக்கு பதினெட்டு வயதும் நிறைவடைந்திருக்க வேண்டும். இச்சட்ட முன்வடிவை ராய் சாஹிப் ஹா்பிலாஸ் சாா்தா என்பவா் முன் மொழிந்ததால் இச்சட்டம் ‘சாா்தா சட்டம்’ என்று அறியப்பட்டு, காலப்போக்கில் ‘சாரதா சட்டம்’ என்றாகி விட்டது.
சுதந்திரமடைந்த பின்னா், 1949-இல் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்ட சட்டத் திருத்தத்தின் மூலம் பெண்ணின் திருமண வயது 15-ஆக உயா்த்தப்பட்டது. 1978-ஆம் ஆண்டில், அதாவது நாடு சுதந்திரமடைந்து சுமாா் முப்பது ஆண்டுகளுக்குப் பிறகு இந்தச் சட்டம் மீண்டும் ஒரு முறை திருத்தம் செய்யப்பட்டு, பெண்ணின் குறைந்த பட்ச திருமண வயது 18 எனவும், ஆண்களுக்கான குறைந்தபட்ச திருமண வயது 21 எனவும் மாற்றப்பட்டது.
இந்தச் சட்டம் நடைமுறையில் இருந்தும், குழந்தைத் திருமணம் என்னும் கொடுமை நாட்டில் தொடா்ந்து கொண்டு இருந்ததால், 2006-ஆம் ஆண்டில் குழந்தைத் திருமண சட்டத்தில் சில மாற்றங்கள் செய்யப்பட்டு மேலும் கடுமையான தண்டனைகளுடன் இச்சட்டம் திருத்தி அமைக்கப்பட்டது. திருத்தியமைக்கப்பட்ட குழந்தைத் திருமண தடுப்பு சட்டம் 2006-இன்படி, குறைந்தபட்ச வயதுக்கு கீழ் உள்ள ஆணுக்கோ பெண்ணுக்கோ திருமணம் செய்து வைத்தால் இரண்டு ஆண்டு சிறைத்தண்டனையும் ஒரு லட்சம் ரூபாய் அபராதமும் விதிக்கப்படும்.
இந்த திருத்தியமைக்கப்பட்ட 2006 சட்டத்தின் படி, 18 வயது பூா்த்தியடையாத பெண் குழந்தையை திருமணம் செய்து கொண்டவரும், குழந்தை திருமணத்தை நடத்தியவரும் குற்றவாளிகளாகக் கருதப்படுவா். மேலும் குழந்தைத் திருமணம் உட்பட அனைத்துத் திருமணங்களையும் பதிவு செய்ய வேண்டும் என 2006-இல் உச்சநீதிமன்றம் உத்தரவிட்டது.
அண்மையில், பெண்களின் சட்டபூா்வ திருமண வயதை 18-லிருந்து 21-ஆக உயா்த்த வழிகோலும் மசோதாவை மத்திய அரசு நாடாளுமன்ற மக்களவையில் தாக்கல் செய்ததை அடுத்து இந்த மசோதாவை ஆதரித்தும் எதிா்த்தும் சா்ச்சைகள் உருவாயின. முன்னதாக, சமதா கட்சியின் முன்னாள் தலைவா் ஜெயா ஜேட்லி தலைமையில் அமைக்கப்பட்ட குழு, பாலின சமத்துவம், பாலின பேதமின்றி அதிகாரமளித்தல் போன்ற கொள்கைகளை மனதில் கொண்டு ஆண்களின் திருமண வயதிற்கு நிகராக பெண்களின் திருமண வயதும் 21-ஆக உயா்த்த வேண்டும் என்று பரிந்துரை செய்திருந்தது.
அக்குழுவின் பரிந்துரையை ஏற்றுக் கொண்ட மோடி அரசு, சிறாா் திருமண சட்டம் 2006-இல் திருத்தங்கள் கொண்டு வருவதற்கான மசோதாவை மக்களவையில் தாக்கல் செய்தது. ஆனால் இந்த மசோதா மக்களவையில் கடும் எதிா்ப்புக்குள்ளானதால், நாடாளுமன்ற நிலைக்குழுவுக்கு அனுப்பப்பட்டுள்ளது.
‘பெண்களின் திருமண வயதை 21-ஆக உயா்த்துவது, பெண்கள் திருமணம் என்னும் பந்தத்திற்குள் நுழைவதற்கு முன் கல்வி பெறுவதற்கும், அவா்களுக்கான வேலைவாய்ப்புகள் அதிகரித்து வாழ்க்கையில் முன்னேற அவா்களுக்கு போதிய அவகாசம் கிடைப்பதற்கும் வழிவகுக்கும்’ என்று பிரதமா் மோடி கூறினாா்.
திருமண வயதை 18-லிருந்து 21-ஆக உயா்த்துவதன் மூலம் பெண்கள் பொருளாதார சுதந்திரமும் அதிகாரமும் பெற்று, தங்கள் விருப்பு வெறுப்புகளை வெளியிட வாய்ப்பு பெறுவாா்கள் என எதிா்பாா்க்கப்படுகிறது.
தேசிய குடும்ப நல கணக்கெடுப்பின் ஐந்தாவது சுற்றின் (2019-20) புள்ளிவிவரம், 15-லிருந்து 19-வயது வரை உள்ள கிராமப்புற மகளிரில் 7.9 சதவீத பெண்கள் ஏற்கெனவே தாயாகி விட்டனா் என்று குறிப்பிடுகிறது. இது மகளிரின் உடல்நலம் குறித்து கவலை கொள்ள வைக்கிறது.
பெண்களின் உடல்நலத்தில் அக்கறை கொண்ட பலரும், பெண்கள் பதின் பருவத்தில் கா்ப்பம் அடைவதை தடுப்பதன் மூலம், கருச்சிதைவு, குழந்தைகள் இறந்து பிறப்பது போன்ற கொடுமைகளிலிருந்து அவா்களை காப்பாற்ற முடியும் என்று கூறுகிறாா்கள்.
இன்றைக்கு நாட்டில் 50 % பெண்கள் ரத்த சோகை போன்ற ஊட்டச்சத்து குறைபாட்டுடன் கா்ப்பத்தை எதிா்கொள்வதால் நாட்டில் மகப்பேறு இறப்பு விகிதம், சிசு இறப்பு விகிதம் போன்றவை அதிகமாக உள்ளன என்றும், திருமண வயதை உயா்த்துவதன் மூலம் அவா்களின் உடல்நலம் பாதுகாக்கப்படும் என்றும் கூறப்படுகிறது.
நாட்டில் குழந்தைத் திருமணங்கள் குறைந்து கொண்டு வருகின்றன என்ற செய்தி ஆறுதலளித்தாலும், ஐக்கிய நாட்டு சபையின் யுனிசெஃப் அளிக்கும் தகவலின்படி உலகின் 15 வயதிற்குக் குறைவான மணமகள்களில் மூன்றில் ஒருவா் நம் நாட்டைச் சோ்ந்தவா் என்பது நம்மைக் கவலைகொள்ள வைக்கிறது. தேசிய குடும்ப நல கணக்கெடுப்பு ஆய்வின்படி, 20 முதல் 24 வயது வரையிலான மகளிரில், 23 சதவீதம் போ் 18 வயதை அடைவதற்குள் திருமணம் செய்து கொண்டுவிட்டனா். குழந்தைத் திருமண பிரச்னை நகரங்களை விட கிராமப்புறங்களில் அதிகமாக இருப்பதாகக் கூறுகிறது ஓா் ஆய்வு முடிவு.
ஆனால், பெண்களின் திருமண வயதை உயா்த்துவதை எதிா்த்து வாதிடுபவா்களோ, குறைந்தபட்ச திருமண வயதை சட்டபூா்வமாக உயா்த்துவதனால் ஒன்றும் சாதித்து விடமுடியாது என்றும், இப்படிப்பட்ட சட்டங்களை அமல்படுத்துவதில் நடைமுறை பிரச்னைகள் உள்ளன என்றும் சுட்டிக் காட்டுகின்றனா்.
உதாரணமாக, தேசிய குற்றவியல் ஆணையம் அளித்திருக்கும் தகவலின்படி, 2020-ஆம் ஆண்டில் 758 குழந்தைத் திருமணங்கள் மட்டுமே குழந்தைத் திருமண தடுப்புச் சட்டத்தின் கீழ் பதிவாகி உள்ளன. இத்தகவல், சட்டத்தின் கைகளில் பிடிபடாமல் தப்பிக்கும் திருமணங்கள் பல என்ற கசப்பான உண்மையை நமக்குப் புலப்படுத்துகிறது.
பெற்றோா், தங்களின் ஆண் குழந்தையைப்போல பெண் குழந்தையையும் கல்வி கற்க அனுமதிக்க வேண்டும். நமது நாட்டில் ஒரு பெண்ணிற்கு எந்த வயதில் திருமணம் செய்ய வேண்டும் என்பதை அப்பெண்ணின் குடும்ப பொருளாதார நிலை, அவருடைய இனம், மதம் சாா்ந்த பழக்க வழக்கங்கள், குடும்பத்தினரின் கல்வி நிலை, சமூக சூழ்நிலை ஆகியவையே தீா்மானிக்கின்றன.
இந்த விஷயத்தில் வரதட்சணை எனும் சமூக அவலமும் பெரும்பங்கு வகிக்கிறது. இளம் வயதில் திருமணம் செய்து விட்டால், குறைந்த வரதட்சணையில் திருமணத்தை முடித்து விடலாம் பெற்றோா் நினைக்கின்றனா்.
வயது வந்த பெண்ணை திருமணம் செய்து கொடுக்காமல் வீட்டில் வைத்திருப்பது பாதுகாப்பு இல்லை என்று பெற்றோா் நினைப்பதில் வியப்பொன்றுமில்லை. வயதிற்கு வந்த பெண்ணை, அதுவும் சற்றே அழகான பெண்ணை வீட்டில் வைத்திருந்தால் கிராமப்புறங்களில் அவா்கள் இனத்தைச் சாா்ந்த ஆண்கள் சிலா் அப்பெண்ணை தனக்குத் திருமணம் செய்து கொடுக்குமாறு கட்டாயப்படுத்துவது நாம் அடிக்கடி கேள்விப்படும் செய்தி.
இவை எல்லாவற்றிற்கும் மேல், பெண்கள் கல்வி கற்க வேண்டும் என்றால் அதற்கான வசதி கிராமப்புறத்திலுள்ள ஒவ்வொரு பெண்ணிற்கும் கிடைக்க வழிவகுக்க வேண்டும். இன்னமும் பல கிராமங்களில் உயா்கல்வி பெற வேண்டுமென்றால் அருகிலுள்ள நகரத்திற்குத்தான் செல்ல வேண்டியுள்ளது.
குழந்தைத் திருமணத்தை தடை செய்யும் சட்டத்தில் திருத்தம் கொண்டு வருவதற்கு முன், பெண்கள் உயா்கல்வி பெறவும், அவா்களுக்கான வேலைவாய்ப்புகளை அதிகரிக்கவும் தேவையான வசதிகளை அரசு செய்து தர வேண்டும்.
கட்டுரையாளா்:
சமூக ஆா்வலா்.
Explained: Why Haryana BJP is going all out to regain lost ground in state: மத்திய அரசின் மூன்று வேளான் சட்டங்களுக்கு எதிரான விவசாயிகளின் போராட்டத்தின் காரணமாக ஒரு வருடத்திற்கும் மேலாக விமர்சனங்களை எதிர்கொண்ட பின்னர் மாநிலத்தின் கிராமப்புற மக்களை அமைதிப்படுத்தும் முயற்சியில், ஹரியானா பாஜக இழந்த இடத்தை மீண்டும் பெற தீவிரமாக முயற்சித்து வருகிறது. திரங்கா யாத்ரா முதல் குறிப்பாக கிராமப்புறங்களில் வீடு வீடாக தடுப்பூசி விழிப்புணர்வு பிரச்சாரங்கள், அரசு மட்டத்தில் கிராமம் சார்ந்த திட்டங்களை வெளியிடுவது அல்லது நேதாஜி சுபாஷ் சந்திர போஸின் வரவிருக்கும் பிறந்தநாளைக் கொண்டாடுவது என மாநில வாக்காளர்களில் பெரும் பகுதியினராக உள்ள கிராமப்புற மக்களிடையே நம்பிக்கையை மீண்டும் பெறுவதற்காக மாநில பாஜக அனைத்து விஷயங்களிலும் கவனம் செலுத்துகிறது. மாநிலத்தின் கிராமப்புற மக்களை அமைதிப்படுத்த அனைத்துக் கட்சிகளும் விரும்புவது ஏன்? அதற்காக கட்சிகள் என்ன செய்து வருகின்றன? என்பதை நாங்கள் விளக்குகிறோம்.
கிராமப்புற மக்களை அமைதிப்படுத்த பாஜக என்ன செய்து கொண்டிருக்கிறது?
மாநிலத்தின் ஒவ்வொரு மூலை முடுக்கிலும் பெரிய அளவிலான போராட்டங்கள் நடந்துள்ள நிலையில், ஹரியானாவில் பாஜக ஒரு சில நிகழ்ச்சிகளை ஏற்பாடு செய்து தனது இடத்தைத் தக்கவைத்துக் கொள்ள முயற்சிகளை மேற்கொண்டு வருகிறது. விவசாயிகள் போராட்டங்களுக்கு மத்தியில், 2021 ஆம் ஆண்டு சுதந்திர தினத்தை முன்னிட்டு திரங்கா யாத்திரையை பாஜக ஏற்பாடு செய்திருந்தது. இந்த யாத்திரை மாநில இளைஞர்களிடையே தேசபக்தியை வளர்ப்பதை நோக்கமாகக் கொண்டது என்று பாஜக கூறியது. இது கட்சியால் நன்கு கணக்கிடப்பட்ட நடவடிக்கையாகக் கருதப்பட்டது, ஏனெனில் விவசாயிகள் அல்லது எதிர்க்கட்சிகள் கூட திரங்கா யாத்திரைக்கு எதிர்ப்பு தெரிவிக்கவோ அல்லது விமர்சிக்கவோ முடியாது. மறுபுறம், இதன் மூலம் பாஜக தனது கேடரை விரிவுபடுத்த முடிந்தது, அதாவது மாநிலத்தின் எந்தப் பகுதியிலும் கட்சி அளவிலான எந்த நிகழ்ச்சியையும் ஏற்பாடு செய்ய முடியாது என்ற விவசாயிகளின் அச்சுறுத்தலை தவிர்க்க முடிந்தது.
பாஜக-ஜேஜேபி கூட்டணி மாநில அரசு, விவசாயிகளின் ஆண்டு வருமானத்தை அதிகரிப்பதற்கான உறுதிப்பாட்டின் ஒரு பகுதியாக கிராமப்புறங்களை குறிவைத்து பல்வேறு திட்டங்களை தொடர்ந்து அறிவித்து வருகிறது. தற்போது, நேதாஜி சுபாஷ் சந்திர போஸின் 125வது பிறந்தநாளை கொண்டாட கட்சி தனது தொண்டர்களை தயார்படுத்தி வருகிறது.
நேதாஜி சுபாஷ் சந்திரபோஸின் 125வது பிறந்தநாளைக் கொண்டாட பாஜகவின் திட்டங்கள் என்ன?
நேதாஜியின் ஆசாத் ஹிந்த் ஃபவுஜின் 2,715 வீரர்கள் ஹரியானாவைச் சேர்ந்தவர்கள் என்பதை அடிக்கோடிட்டுக் காட்டிய பாஜக மாநிலத் தலைவர் ஓம் பிரகாஷ் தங்கர், ஹரியானாவில் 7,500 இடங்களில் அவரது பிறந்தநாளைக் கொண்டாட ஒவ்வொரு இடத்திலும் 75 கட்சித் தொண்டர்கள் கூடுவார்கள் என்று இந்தியன் எக்ஸ்பிரஸ்ஸிடம் தெரிவித்தார். மேலும், இந்த நிகழ்ச்சிகளில் 6 லட்சத்துக்கும் மேற்பட்ட கட்சித் தொண்டர்கள் பங்கேற்பார்கள் என்று அவர் கூறினார். இந்த நிகழ்வை மாபெரும் வெற்றியடையச் செய்ய மாநிலத்தின் அனைத்துப் பகுதிகளிலும் உள்ள கட்சித் தொண்டர்கள் மற்றும் உள்ளூர் தலைவர்களின் கூட்டங்களை ஏற்கனவே தங்கர் நடத்தியுள்ளார். கட்சியின் எம்.எல்.ஏ.க்கள் மற்றும் அவர்களின் மாவட்ட பிரிவு தலைவர்களுக்கும் அந்தந்த தொகுதிகள் மற்றும் மாவட்டங்களில் நிகழ்ச்சிகளை நடத்த குறிப்பிட்ட பணிகள் ஒதுக்கப்பட்டுள்ளன. “1943 ஆம் ஆண்டு ஏப்ரல் 1-3 தேதிகளில் சிங்கப்பூரில் நேதாஜியை வரவேற்க ஆசாத் ஹிந்த் ஃபவுஜின் வீரர்கள் மற்றும் பிற குடிமக்கள் பாடல்களைப் பாடியுள்ளனர். இவற்றில் இரண்டு பாடல்கள் ஹரியானாவின் ஒவ்வொரு கிராம பஞ்சாயத்து மற்றும் வார்டுகளிலும் ஜனவரி 23 அன்று பாடப்படும். அவரது பிறந்தநாள் பராக்ரம் திவாஸ் ஆக கொண்டாடப்படும், ”என்று தங்கர் தி இந்தியன் எக்ஸ்பிரஸ்ஸிடம் தெரிவித்தார்.
கிராமப்புற மக்கள் மீது பாஜக ஏன் அதிக கவனம் செலுத்துகிறது?
கடந்த ஓராண்டாக விவசாயப் போராட்டங்களால் ஏற்பட்ட இமேஜ் இழப்புடன், விரைவில் மாநிலம் பஞ்சாயத்துத் தேர்தலை சந்திக்க உள்ளது. பஞ்சாப் மற்றும் ஹரியானா உயர்நீதிமன்றத்தில் இடஒதுக்கீடு விதிமுறைகள் தொடர்பாக தொடரப்பட்ட வழக்கு காரணமாக தேர்தலை இன்னும் நடத்த முடியவில்லை என்றாலும், விரைவில் தீர்ப்பு வெளியாகும் என்று மாநில அரசு எதிர்பார்க்கிறது. இந்தத் தேர்தல்களில் அக்கட்சி குறிப்பிடத்தக்க தாக்கத்தை ஏற்படுத்தத் தவறினால், 2024ஆம் ஆண்டு நடைபெறவிருக்கும் சட்டமன்றத் தேர்தலில் கடுமையான விளைவுகளைச் சந்திக்க நேரிடும்.
துணை முதல்வரும், ஜே.ஜே.பி., தலைவருமான துஷ்யந்த் சவுதாலா கூறும்போது, “பஞ்சாயத்து ராஜ் நிறுவனங்கள் தொடர்பான சட்டத்தில் திருத்தங்கள் செய்யப்பட்டு, பஞ்சாயத்து தேர்தலை நடத்த அரசு எதிர்பார்த்து வருகிறது. இருப்பினும், உயர் நீதிமன்றத்தின் தீர்ப்புக்காக காத்திருக்கிறோம்” என்றார். பஞ்சாயத்துத் தேர்தல்கள் பாஜக மற்றும் ஜேஜேபி ஆகிய இரு கட்சிகளுக்கும் ஒரு அக்னிப் பரீட்சையாக இருக்கும், அதே நேரத்தில் எதிர்க்கட்சிகள் கூட்டணி அரசுக்கு எதிராக விவசாயிகளின் கோபத்தைத் தக்க வைத்துக் கொள்ள முயற்சிக்கும். ஆம் ஆத்மி கட்சியும் வரும் பஞ்சாயத்து தேர்தல் மூலம் மாநில அரசியலில் முறைப்படி நுழையப்போவதாக அறிவித்துள்ளது.
கிராமப்புற மக்களை சமாதானப்படுத்தும் பாஜகவின் முயற்சிகளை எதிர்க்கட்சிகள் எவ்வாறு பார்க்கின்றன?
“இது நகர்ப்புற அல்லது கிராமப்புற மக்களைப் பற்றியது அல்ல, சமூகத்தின் அனைத்துப் பிரிவு மக்களும் இந்தக் கூட்டணி அரசாங்கத்தால் ஏமாற்றப்பட்டதாக உணர்கிறார்கள். விவசாயிகளுக்கு அவர்களின் சேதமடைந்த பயிர்களுக்கு இழப்பீடு கிடைக்கவில்லை, அவர்கள் தங்கள் வயலுக்கு உரம் பெற வரிசையில் நிற்க வைக்கப்படுகிறார்கள், குறைந்தப்பட்ச ஆதரவு விலைக்கு (MSP) உத்தரவாதம் இல்லை…” என்று எதிர்கட்சித் தலைவரும் ஹரியானாவின் முன்னாள் முதல்வருமான பூபிந்தர் சிங் ஹூடா பதிலளித்தார். கடந்த ஆண்டு ஆட்சியில் இருக்கும் போது நேதாஜி சுபாஷ் சந்திரபோஸ் பற்றி நினைக்காத இந்த அரசு ஏன் இப்போது அவரைப் பற்றி நினைக்கிறது என்று காங்கிரஸ் தலைவர் கேள்வி எழுப்பியுள்ளார்.
Inheritance of daughters : உயில் ஏதும் எழுதி வைக்காமல், தன்னுடைய மகள் பாதுகாப்பில் வசிக்கும் தந்தை இறக்கும் போது அவருடைய சொத்து அவருடைய மகளுக்கே சேரும் தவிர இறந்தவரின் சகோதரர்களுக்கு அந்த சொத்தில் உரிமை இல்லை என வியாழக்கிழமை உச்ச நீதிமன்றம் உத்தரவிட்டுள்ளது.
1949ம் ஆண்டு உயிரிழந்த மாரப்ப கவுண்டரின் சொத்து தொடர்பான வழக்கு இது. அவர் உயிரிழந்த உடன் அவரின் சொத்து அவருடைய மகள் குப்பாயி அம்மாளுக்கு கிடைத்தது. அவரும் உயில் ஏதும் எழுதி வைக்காமல் 1967ம் ஆண்டு மரணம் அடைந்தார். மாரப்ப கவுண்டருக்கு சகோதரர் ஒருவர் இருக்கிறார். அவருக்கு ஒரு மகனும் 4 மகள்களும் உள்ளனர். அந்த நான்கு மகள்களில் ஒருவரான தங்கம்மாள் மாரப்ப கவுண்டரின் சொத்தில் 5-ல் ஒரு பங்கு சொத்து தனக்கு கிடைக்க வேண்டும் என்று வழக்கு பதிவு செய்துள்ளார்.
பெண் ராணுவ வீரர்கள் ராணுவத்துக்கு எவ்வாறு பயனளிக்கின்றனர்?
மாரப்ப கவுண்டர் மரணம் அடைந்தவுடன் அவருடைய சொத்து குப்பாயி அம்மாளுக்கு கிடைத்தது. அவரும் இறந்தவுடன் அந்த சொத்து சுந்தர கவுண்டருக்கு வந்தது. அவரிடம் இருந்து பின்னர் ராமசாமி கவுண்டருக்கு இந்த சொத்து கிடைத்தது. ராமசாமியின் வாரிசுகளில் ஒருவரான எனக்கு அந்த சொத்தில் ஐந்தில் ஒரு பங்கு வேண்டும் என்று தங்கம்மாள் கூறியுள்ளார்.
ராமசாமியின் மகனான குருநாத்தின் பிள்ளைகள், இதனை மறுத்துள்ளனர். மேலும் 1949ம் ஆண்டு மாரப்ப கவுண்டர் மரணிக்கும் போது குப்பாயி அம்மாளுக்கு வாரிசாக இருக்கும் உரிமை இல்லை என்று கூறியுள்ளனர். அப்போது இருந்த ஒரே வாரிசு குருநாத கவுண்டர் தான் என்றும் அவரிடம் இருந்து அவருடைய பிள்ளைகளான எங்களுக்கு கிடைத்துள்ளது என்றும் அவரின் வாரிசுகள் கூறுகின்றனர்.
மாரப்ப கவுண்டர் இந்து வாரிசு உரிமைச் சட்டம் 1956 நடைமுறைக்கு வருவதற்கு முன்பே மரணித்துவிட்டதால் அவருடைய சொத்துக்கு தங்கம்மாளும், அவருடைய சகோதரிகளும் வாரிசுகளாக இருக்க முடியாது. மேலும் ஐந்தில் ஒரு பங்கு சொத்தை உரிமை கோரவும் முடியாது என்று இரு தரப்பு சாட்சியங்களையும் விசாரணை செய்து நீதிமன்றம் முடிவுக்கு வந்தது. மார்ச் 1, 1994ம் ஆண்டு தங்கம்மாள் வழக்கு தள்ளுபடி செய்யப்பட்டது. . விசாரணை நீதிமன்றத்தின் உத்தரவுக்கு எதிரான மேல்முறையீட்டு மனுவை உயர்நீதிமன்றம் ஜனவரி 21, 2009 அன்று தள்ளுபடி செய்தது.
தந்தையின் தனிப்பட்ட சொத்திற்கு மகள் மட்டுமே வாரிசாக இருக்க முடியுமா? அப்படி வாரிசாக இருந்த பெண்ணும் இறந்துவிட்டால் அந்த சொத்திற்கு அடுத்த வாரிசுகளாக யார் உரிமை கோரலாம்?
மேற்கண்ட விவாதங்களில் தந்தையின் தனி சொத்துகளுக்கு வாரிசாக இருக்க தகுதியுடையவர் என்பது தெளிவாகிறது. பண்டைய நூல்கள், ஸ்மிரிதிகள் போன்றவற்றில் இடம் பெற்றுள்ள தகவல்களும், புகழ்பெற்ற அறிஞர்களால் எழுதப்பட்ட காவியங்களிலும், நீதித்துறை தீர்ப்புகளிலும் கூட பெண் வாரிசுகள், பொதுவாக மனைவி மற்றும் மகள்களுக்கு சொத்துகள் வழங்கப்பட்டுள்ளன என்று எஸ். அப்துல் நசீர் மற்றும் க்ருஷ்ண முராரி நீதிபதிகளின் அமர்வு பல கட்ட பண்டைய இந்து நூல்களையும், முந்தைய நீதிமன்ற தீர்ப்புகளையும் ஆய்வு செய்து கூறியுள்ளனர்.
சுயமாக சம்பாதித்து சேர்த்த சொத்துகள் மற்றும் சொத்தைப் பிரிப்பதன் மூலம் கிடைக்கும் பங்குகளை பெற இறந்தவரின் மனைவி மற்றும் பெண்களுக்கு உரிமை உண்டு என்பதை பழைய இந்து சட்டத்தில் மட்டுமின்றி பல சட்டங்களில், பழக்கவங்களில் நடைமுறையில் இருக்கும் ஒன்று. இறக்கும் தருவாயில் உள்ள ஆண் சுயமாக சம்பாதித்த சொத்தை அல்லது சொத்து பங்கீட்டின் மூலம் கிடைத்த சொத்துகளை அல்லது குடும்ப சொத்துகள் பரம்பரையாக மாற்றப்படும். இத்தகைய ஆணின் சொத்துகளை பெற மற்ற அனைவரைக் காட்டிலும் அவரின் மகள்களுக்கே முன்னுரிமை உண்டு.
இத்தகைய சொத்துகளைப் பெற்ற பெண்ணும் உயில் ஏதும் எழுதி வைக்காமல் இறக்கும் பட்சத்தில் தன்னுடைய தந்தை வழியில் பெறப்பட்ட சொத்துகள் அனைத்தும் தந்தையின் இதர வாரிசுகளுக்கு போய் சேரும். அதே போன்று கணவர் மற்றும் மாமனார் வழி பெறப்பட்ட சொத்துகள் அனைத்தும் கணவர் குடும்பத்தினரின் வாரிசுகளுக்கு போய் சேரும்.
ஒரு இந்து பெண் இறந்துவிட்டால், அவர் கணவர் உயிருடன் இருக்கும் பட்சத்தில் இந்து வாரிசுரிமைச் சட்டத்தின் பிரிவு 15(1)(a) செயல்பாட்டிற்கு வரும், மேலும் அப்பெண் தன்னுடைய பெற்றோர் வழியில் இருந்து பெற்ற சொத்துகள் உட்பட அனைத்தும் அவருடைய கணவரின் விருப்பத்தின் பெயரில் பகிர்ந்தளிக்கப்படும்.
இந்த விவரங்களை வழக்கில் பயன்படுத்திய உச்ச நீதிமன்றம், குப்பாயி அம்மாள் இறப்பிற்கு பிறகு இந்த வழக்கு 1967ல் துவங்கப்பட்டது என்பதால் இந்து வாரிசுமைச் சட்டம் 1956 செல்லுபடியாகும். இதன் மூலம் ராமசாமி கவுண்டரின் மகள் தந்தையின் வகுப்பு-1 வாரிசுகளில் ஒருவராக இருப்பார். மேலும் இதர வாரிசுதார்களுக்கும் இது பொருந்தும். எனவே அவர் சொத்தில் ஐந்தில் ஒரு பங்கு சொத்தை உரிமை கோர முடியும் என்று அறிவித்துள்ளது.
வாரிசுரிமை பற்றிய பாரம்பரிய இந்து சட்டத்தின் ஆதாரங்களைக் கண்டறிந்து, நீதிமன்றம் மிடாக்ஷரா சட்டத்தைப் பற்றி விவாதித்தது. மேலும் ‘வியாவஸ்தா சந்திரிகா’, ஷ்யாமா சரண் சர்க்கார் வித்யா பூஷனின் இந்து சட்ட டைஜிஸ்ட்டில் குறிப்பிடப்பட்டுள்ள ‘விருஹஸ்பதி’யை மேற்கோள்காட்டியது. இதன் பொருள் கணவரின் செல்வத்திற்கு மனைவியே வாரிசாக வருவார் என்று குறிப்பிடப்பட்டுள்ளது. , அவரிடம் இருந்து அவருடைய மகளுக்கும் செல்கிறது. ஒரு மகனைப் போன்றே ஒரு மகளும் ஒரு தந்தையின் அங்கம். பின்பு எப்படி மற்றொரு நபர் அவள் தந்தையின் சொத்தை எடுத்துச் செல்ல முடியும் என்று கேள்வியும் எழுப்பியுள்ளது. தனியுரிமை கவுன்சில் தீர்ப்புகளையும் உச்ச நீதிமன்றம் ஆய்வு செய்து இந்த தீர்ப்பை பிறப்பித்துள்ளது.
டெல்லி இந்தியா கேட் பகுதியில் சுதந்திர போராட்ட தலைவர்களில் ஒருவரான நேதாஜி சுபாஷ் சந்திரபோசுக்கு கிரானைட் கற்களால் செய்யப்பட்ட பிரமாண்ட சிலை நிறுவப்படும் என பிரதமர் நரேந்திர மோடி தெரிவித்து உள்ளார். சிலை அமைக்கும் பணி முடிவடையும் வரை அங்கு ஹாலோகிராம் தொழில்நுட்பத்தில் அவரது சிலை காட்சிப்படுத்தப்படும்
என தெரிவிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது
இதுகுறித்து பிரதமர் மோடி தனது ட்விட்டர் பக்கத்தில் கூறியிருப்பதாவது, “ஒட்டுமொத்த நாடும் நேதாஜி சுபாஷ் சந்திரபோசின் 125-வது பிறந்தநாள் கொண்டாட உள்ள நிலையில் இந்தியா கேட் பகுதியில் நேதாஜிக்கு பிரமாண்டமான கிரானைட் சிலை அமைக்கப்படும் என்பதை பகிர்ந்து கொள்வதில் மகிழ்ச்சி அடைகிறேன்.இது நேதாஜிக்கு இந்தியா செலுத்தக்கூடிய நன்றிக்கடனாகும்.சிலை அமைக்கும் பணி முடிவடையும் வரை அங்கு ‘லேசர்’ வடிவிலான முப்பரிமாண நேதாஜி உருவம் அமைக்கப்படும். அதனை நேதாஜியின் 125-வது பிறந்தநாள் (ஜனவரி 23) திறந்துவைக்க உள்ளேன்” என பதிவிட்டுள்ளார்.
அந்த இடம் ஏன்?
பல போர்கள் மற்றும் மோதல்களில் உயிர்தியாகம் செய்த வீரர்களின் நினைவாக அமைக்கப்பட்ட அணையாத விளக்கு எனப்படும் அமர்ஜவான் ஜோதி அருகே இந்த சிலை நிறுவப்படவுள்ளது.
இந்த அறிவிப்பு வருவதற்கு ஒரு நாள் முன்பு தான், 50 ஆண்டுகளாக அணையாமல் இருந்த அமர் ஜவான் ஜோதி அணைக்கப்பட்டு அருகில் உள்ள தேசிய போர் நினைவிடத்தில் இணைக்கப்படும் என்று தெரிவிக்கப்பட்டிருந்தது.
இந்தியா கேட் பகுதியில் 1972ஆம் ஆண்டு ஜனவரி மாதம் 26ம் தேதி குடியரசு தினத்தன்று அமர்ஜவான் ஜோதியானது அப்போதைய பிரதமர் இந்திரா காந்தியால் திறந்து வைக்கப்பட்டது. நேற்று(ஜனவரி.21) மதியம், தேசிய போர் நினைவகத்தில் உள்ள அணையாத விளக்குடன் ஓரளவு இணைக்கப்பட்டது. இந்த தேசிய போர் நினைவகமானது, கடந்த 2019ஆம் ஆண்டு பிரதமர் மோடி அரசால் கட்டப்பட்டது. வரவிருக்கும் குடியரசு தின விழா, மறுவடிவமைக்கப்பட்ட சென்ட்ரல் விஸ்டா அவென்யூவில் நடைபெறுவதாலும், போர் நினைவிடத்திற்குச் செல்லும் அணையாத விளக்கும் மற்றும் ஹாலோகிராம் செய்யப்பட்ட போஸ் சிலை ஆகியவை மூலமும், விழாவின் பழைய நடைமுறையில் மாற்றம் இருக்கும் என எதிர்ப்பார்க்கப்படுகிறது.
இடத்தின் வரலாறு
போஸ் சிலை நிறுவப்படும் இடம், 1930 களில் சர் எட்வின் லுட்யென்ஸால் மற்ற பெரிய நினைவுச்சின்னத்துடன் சேர்த்து கட்டப்பட்டது. அங்கு பிரிட்டன் மன்னர் ஜார்ஜ் சிலை அமைக்கப்பட்டிருந்தது. பின்னர், 1960களில் அந்த சிலை அங்கிருந்து அகற்றப்பட்டு கொரோனேஷன் பார்க் பகுதிக்கு மாற்றப்பட்டது.
கொரோனேஷன் பார்க் வடமேற்கு டெல்லியில் உள்ள புராரி சாலையில் அமைந்துள்ளது. மேலும், அப்பகுதி விக்டோரியா மகாராணி இந்தியாவின் பேரரசியாக அறிவிக்கப்பட்ட 1877 ஆம் ஆண்டு முதல் டெல்லி தர்பார் நடைபெற்ற இடமாக இருந்தது.
பின்னர், அதே இடம் 1903 ஆம் ஆண்டில் மன்னர் எட்வர்ட் VII பதவியேற்றதைக் கொண்டாடப் பயன்படுத்தப்பட்டது. இறுதியாக, 1911 ஆம் ஆண்டு டிசம்பர் 12 ஆம் தேதி இந்தியாவின் பேரரசராக ஜார்ஜ் V மன்னர் முடிசூட்டப்பட்டதை நினைவுகூரும் தர்பார் நடைபெற்றது.
தொடர்ந்து, 1947இல் சுதந்திரம் கிடைத்ததை தொடர்ந்து, ராஜ்பாத்தில் 49 அடி கொண்ட ஜார்ஜ் V சிலை உட்பட பல மன்னர் சிலைகள் அகற்றப்பட்டு, கொரோனேஷன் பார்க் பகுதிக்கு கொண்டு செல்லப்பட்டது.
நேதாஜிக்கு ஏன்?
நேதாஜியின் 125-வது பிறந்தநாள் தினம், ஜனவரி 23-ம் தேதி கொண்டாடப்படுகிறது. வழக்கமாக ஜனவரி 24 ஆம் தேதி ஆரம்பிக்கும் குடியரசு தின விழா கொண்டாட்டம், நேதாஜி 125ஆவது பிறந்தநாளை முன்னிட்டு, ஜனவரி 23-ம் தேதி குடியரசு தின விழா தொடங்கும் என அரசு அறிவித்தது. விழாவானது மகாத்மா காந்தி படுகொலை செய்யப்பட்ட ஜனவரி 30 அன்று நிறைவடையும் என தெரிவிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.
நேதாஜி ஹாலோகிராம் சிலையை பிரதமர் திறந்து வைக்கும் நாளில், நேதாஜி சுபாஷ் சந்திரபோஸ் அபதா பிரபந்தன் விருது பெற்றவர்களைக் கௌரவிக்கும் வகையிலும், பேரிடர் மேலாண்மைத் துறையின் பங்களிப்பை அங்கீகரிக்கும் வகையிலும் சிறப்பு நிகழ்ச்சி நடத்தப்படவுள்ளது. ஏற்கனவே, நேதாஜியின் பிறந்தநாளை பராக்கிரம் திவாஸ் என்று கொண்டாடப்படும் என மோடி அறிவித்திருந்தது குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது.
It was around 10:30 p.m. on January 5. The Bishnoi family had already turned in when a Delhi Police team arrived at their house in Jorhat, Assam. They stared at the police in confusion as the officers spoke about an application called ‘Bulli Bai’, created, apparently, by Dasrath Bishnoi’s young son, Niraj. “We are not educated so we didn’t understand a lot, but the police said that Niraj had created this app. I had no idea what was happening,” says Dasrath.
After being questioned for half an hour, Niraj was whisked away. Soon, the formalities began to take him to the capital. Niraj is a 20-year-old Bachelor of Technology student from a college in Bhopal. He has been suspended from college since. The college is angry that he has brought disrepute to the institution and his parents are upset that he has given them a bad name.
Niraj, the police say, stands accused of building Bulli Bai to “auction” Muslim women. The app announces a “Bulli Bai of the day”. The app creators seem to have taken a leaf out of online sales and ‘lightning deals of the day’ to put women up for sale online. Investigators say the motive is to defame Muslim women. One hundred-and-two women’s names and photographs were fed into the code of the app, they say. Niraj, in front of his parents, agreed that he had built the application. “I don’t know why and how he did this. What was going on in his head,” his distressed father asks.
The arrests
Niraj was not the first to be arrested in the ‘Bulli Bai’ app case. On January 3, Vishal Kumar Jha, 21, was pulled out of class from an engineering college in South Bengaluru, questioned in the college campus, and then flown to Mumbai where he was arrested.
Vishal’s arrest came as a shock not only to many people who were following the case but also his college. One of his professors, who did not wish to be named, says Vishal was not bothersome. “During the first year, all the students study together. From the second year, they are divided into groups according to their choice of streams.We had limited interactions with him as classes started only in October 2021. We called his parents when his attendance dropped below 60%. But for that, he was neither remarkable nor troublesome,” he says. Enquiries revealed that Vishal was not close to any of his classmates. The college has maintained that it will not take any punitive action against Vishal until the probe is concluded.
Vishal hails from Patna, Bihar, and is the son of a ticket examiner in the Indian Railways. He has an elder sister working for a multinational company, sources say. His father, Sudhir Kumar Jha, is reported to have told mediapersons that he believes his son is innocent and was “trapped”.
The next day, Shweta Singh, an 18-year-old woman was arrested from Uttarakhand by the Mumbai Police. Shweta, who lost one parent to cancer and another to COVID-19, was active on social media and often posted extreme views, the police say. Soon after, Mayank Rawat, 21, was also arrested by the police. The bail pleas of both Shweta and Mayank were rejected on the grounds that they had intentionally used Sikh names on Twitter to promote enmity between Muslims and Sikhs.
The same week, Aumkareshwar Thakur, 26, was arrested from Indore by the Delhi Police. Aumkareshwar completed his Bachelors in Computer Applications. He and Niraj, who was nabbed around the same time, were remanded in police custody till January 27. The fifth arrest was made from Odisha by the Mumbai Police cyber cell. The accused is an MBA graduate, Neeraj Singh (28). All the arrested men and women are young and educated and hail from different parts of the country.
A loner and his laptop
According to his parents, Niraj Bishnoi led a disciplined life. He would wake up at 7 a.m. every day, take a bath, and head to the neighbourhood temple where he would worship Shiva and Hanuman for at least an hour. He would then return and “study on his laptop” for the next few hours before having lunch. After an afternoon nap, he would spend an hour reciting ‘Sundara Kanda’, a Hindu epic dedicated to Hanuman. He would then return to his laptop. Niraj, who didn’t have a separate room, would sleep around 9:30 p.m., like everyone else in his family, his father says. “His mother is very religious and he is very close to her. She is probably the only one he talks to,” Dasrath, who owns a grocery shop, says.
Niraj was a good student in school and secured admission in an engineering college on merit, his father says. His parents say they were proud of him. But his father admits he never understood what Niraj did on his laptop. “About a year ago, he used to watch a TV news channel. He got so addicted to news that his mother had to dissuade him from spending so many hours before the TV,” Dasrath says.
An investigator who questioned Niraj for hours found him “abnormal” with a strong dislike for Muslims. This irrational dislike, he says, must have found an outlet through the app. “He is very confused. Sometimes he says he is a communist. He also believes a woman’s place is inside the home,” says the officer investigating him.
According to his family, Niraj has been raised in a “healthy environment”. He has two sisters: one studies law in Noida and the other is pursuing a Masters in Science. The sisters don’t believe Niraj hates Muslim women. Niraj was a loner who had no friends and no social life, his family says.
Link to Sulli Deals
The police arrested Niraj as the “main conspirator, creator and mastermind” behind the Bulli Bai application on GitHub, the hosting platform. Investigators say Niraj used five Twitter handles that had the name ‘Giyu’, a Japanese gaming character, to communicate in the virtual world. According to them, Niraj not only created the Bulli Bai app, but one of the handles used by him also appeared in the investigation of the Sulli Deals app. Sulli Deals was created six months ago. Niraj tried to mislead the police by saying that the Sulli Deals app, which auctioned prominent Muslim women, was created by a Muslim man, Javed Alam, an engineering graduate from Uttar Pradesh.
Investigators also say Niraj posed as a female journalist and tried to get details about the Sulli Deals probe. An officer says the accused was also involved in an earlier case of online harassment.
News of the Bulli Bai app hit the headlines when a 23-year-old Delhi-based journalist shared a screenshot on Twitter when she found herself featured as the “Bulli Bai of the day”. She lodged a complaint with the District Police and an FIR was registered on January 2. The FIR was sent to the Special Cell’s Intelligence Fusion and Strategic Operations Unit which began investigating the matter. Within two days of taking up the investigation, the team arrested Niraj after what they called “backtracking the digital footprint”.
The investigators questioned Niraj for seven days with each day bringing forth “shocking” revelations. Niraj admitted to have started hacking websites at the age of 15. “He defaces websites regularly. He claims to have hacked into and defaced the websites of various schools and universities in India and Pakistan,” an officer says.
Niraj lived in the virtual world, investigators contend. His connections with people were only through Twitter group chats and closed social media groups. When questioned, Niraj mentioned that he was in touch with the creator of the Sulli Deals app, Aumkareshwar Thakur.
The investigators say there is “no doubt” that Niraj was the brain behind the app. When the police wrote to GitHub to share details, they also sent him an email as part of protocol, informing him that they were seeking details on the email account used by him. When the police made some arrests in Mumbai, Niraj felt that the arrests were not right and announced on Twitter that he was the creator of the app. He also spoke to a journalist and shared the email sent to him by GitHub to prove that he was the mastermind. “He was using ProtonMails and a different VPN. He believed he wouldn’t be traced,” the officer says.
When Niraj was arrested, one question was raised by many, including the women who were ‘auctioned’: why did the Delhi and Noida police make no headway in the Sulli Deals app case?
For six months starting last July, when the case was registered, the police maintained that they had written to GitHub asking for details on the account linked to the application and were following the MLAT (Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty) process to get the required information from GitHub’s office in the U.S. It was only later that the Sulli Deals creator too was booked.
‘Stunned, frightened, disgusted’
On New Year’s day, Sidrah Patel received a photograph on WhatsApp with a message that read: “They have started again”. “I did not download it immediately, but I could make out the photo through that blurred image. I have been attacked in the online space multiple times earlier. But when I finally opened the photo, I was stunned, frightened and disgusted. I didn’t know what to do,” Sidrah says.
Sidrah, a resident of Mumbai and a vocal Muslim woman on social media, was one of the hundreds of victims, all Muslim women, who had been “auctioned” on the Bulli Bai app. It seemed like the Sulli Deals nightmare, which had happened in July 2021, had begun again. An FIR registered with the Delhi Police by victims of Sulli Deals led to no arrests then as the Delhi Police, which falls under the Union Home Ministry, could neither trace the creator nor stop this from taking place again.
“My friend called me and told me that last time, the complaint was made to the Delhi Police. She asked me whether I would like to file the complaint since I am from Mumbai. I said no. I wanted to stay away from all of this. Meanwhile, the whole list came out. It had women of my mother’s age in it. I felt so disturbed that I felt I should do something. Around the same time, Shiv Sena MP Priyanka Chaturvedi also called me asking whether I want to file the complaint. She spoke to me and assured me of all support,” Sidrah says.
Priyanka says the Delhi Police, which was supposedly working on the Sulli Deals case, did nothing until October 2021. “I kept raising the issue even though it was becoming clear that nothing was going to come out of it,” she toldThe Hindu.
Mumbai Police’s cyber crime branch got in touch with Sidrah soon. As she did not want to open the screenshots, Sidrah sought the help of Mohammed Zubair ofAlt News, a fact-checking website, who had flagged the issue on Twitter. The police began their work. Sidrah went to the police station at around 10 a.m. on January 2 by which time they were prepared with all their background work on the case. By evening, an FIR was filed. The first arrest was made on January 4.
A day later, Mumbai Police Commissioner Hemant Nagrale held a press conference announcing the arrest of Shweta and Mayank after finding their connection with Vishal in the same case. A day later, the Delhi Police arrested the alleged mastermind of the Bulli Bai app, Niraj, from Jorhat. Interestingly, a Mumbai Police team was also heading to arrest Niraj then and was barely few hours away from Jorhat. Since then, Niraj has been kept in the custody of the Delhi Police, while the Mumbai Police team which is probing the case is demanding his custody for further investigation.
Sidrah points out that even before the Sulli Deals in July 2021, Pakistani women used to be “auctioned”. “All the accounts and their conversations have been online for months since then. It is not that like this incident has happened out of nowhere,” she says.
Modus operandi
Mohammed Zubair has been following all these happenings and believes that the Sulli Deals and Bulli Bai app have a lot in common. “The code was identical. Even in the source code of the Bulli Bai app, the word Sulli was used,” he says.
A month after the Sulli Deals app controversy broke, a person named Javed Alam from U.P. began to be blamed for the app. Screenshots and Telegram chats were created to place the blame on him, Zubair says. The Delhi Police were tagged in posts seeking action against Javed. The police swooped in and detained Javed for about a week without even registering a case. But Zubair, who has been following the Sulli Deals case, knew which accounts had created the Sulli Deals. He gave this information to Javed’s brother who passed it on to the police. The Delhi Police called one more person named Krunal Patel while interrogating Javed. Krunal was among those who had blamed Javed for creating the Sulli Deals app. But the police let him go within a few hours. According to Zubair, Krunal is connected to those who have been arrested in the Bulli Bai case. Zubair says he has stored Krunal’s interactions, which the latter had deleted. Javed was reportedly told by the police to not trouble or blame Krunal before he was let go.
Zubair closely followed the Bulli Bai app when the allegations exploded on December 31, 2021, and was among the first to ensure that all the data and screenshots were stored. These were later handed over to the cyber cells of both the Mumbai and Delhi Police. “Some accounts had shared the link to the Bulli Bai app. The first thing I did was to screenshot all the victims, around 100 names with photos, which were shared with the victims personally. Later on, we retrieved the source code,” he says.
Sources within the Mumbai Police say they had received a few online complaints about Sulli Deals but could not do much as nobody came forward to provide information. There was also the problem of jurisdiction. Even in the Bulli Bai app case, social media platforms such as GitHub and Twitter were reluctant to share information. “There is no seriousness about the issue that multiple apps are being created to silence women. No priority is given to this issue. There is no understanding of the sensitivity of online crimes,” says Priyanka. She had communicated with the Union Information Technology Minister over the need to tackle this issue and the need to bring in necessary amendments in law, but received a half-hearted reply in return.
An ecosystem of hate
While the attack was an attempt to target vocal Muslim women who speak truth to power, seek justice and amplify voices against hate crimes, it is also seen as an attempt to sexualise women and normalise such sexualisation. “Nobody can work with so much impunity and continue to challenge the Mumbai Police. The network has to be really big. This cannot just be the work of 21-year-olds or 18-years-olds working on the Internet. There are many other players who are yet to be unmasked and that can only happen if the investigation is fair,” says Sidrah.
Sulli Deals and Bulli Bai are not the only such apps. There are ‘Trads’ (short for Traditionalists), for instance, who label anyone who opposes them as ‘Raitas’. The Trads are so extreme that they even abuse Bharatiya Janata Party and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh leaders for being soft on Muslims.
“Trads are against Muslims, liberals, Dalits and all castes other than Brahmins. They abuse even the Jains. They make vulgar comments under the photos of women, even of Hindu women who are not Brahmins. They are everywhere: on Twitter, Reddit, Telegram. We don’t see them because we dismiss most of them as trolls. But they exist,” says Zubair, who has been working extensively on understanding the methodology of online hate-spewing groups.
Zubair believes that this work cannot be done in isolation. He also makes an interesting observation. Many of the photos on the app, he says, were of Muslim women who were neither active on social media nor vocal against the BJP government at the Centre. Some were not related to politics, nor did they make any political comments. Almost 30% to 40% of the photos of the women were from the Sulli Deals app and some were old display pictures. “Somebody supplied them with these photographs. I am not sure if these guys even know who these women are,” he says.
According to the Mumbai Police, all the accused are also involved in the Sulli Deals app. On January 20, Metropolitan Magistrate Komal Sing Rajput rejected the bail pleas of Vishal, Mayank and Shweta citing the seriousness of the offences and said the investigation is still at a primary stage. All the accused are booked under Sections 153A (promoting enmity on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc.), 153B (Imputations, assertions prejudicial to national integration), 295A (deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs), 354D (stalking), 509 (word, gesture or act intended to insult the modesty of a woman), 500 (criminal defamation) of the Indian Penal Code and Section 67 (publishing or transmitting obscene material in electronic form) of the Information Technology Act.
With inputs from K.V. Aditya Bharadwaj in Bengaluru and Sonam Saigal in Mumbai
This month we celebrate another Republic Day, the 72nd anniversary of the entry into force of our Constitution. In so doing we reaffirm the essence of Indian nationalism, reified in a constitution adopted after almost three years of debate, and in the process implicitly salute the ‘idea of India’ that emerged from both the nationalist movement and its institutionalisation in the Republic.
A gift and a vision
The idea of India as a modern nation based on a certain conception of human rights and citizenship, vigorously backed by due process of law, and equality before law, is a gift of the Constitution. Earlier conceptions of India drew their inspiration from mythology and theology. The modern idea of India, despite the mystical influence of Tagore, and the spiritual and moral influences of Gandhiji, is a robustly secular and legal construct based upon the vision and intellect of our founding fathers, notably (in alphabetical order) Ambedkar, Nehru, and Patel. The Preamble of the Constitution itself is the most eloquent enumeration of this vision. In its description of the defining traits of the Indian republic, and its conception of justice, of liberty, of equality and fraternity, it firmly proclaims that the law will be the bedrock of the national project.
To my mind, the role of liberal constitutionalism in shaping and undergirding the civic nationalism of India is the dominant strand in the broader story of the evolution and modernisation of Indian society over the last century. The principal task of any Constitution is to constitute: that is, to define the rules, the shared norms, values and systems under which the state will function and the nation will evolve. The way in which the ideals embedded in that document were implemented and evolved, in a spirit of civic nationalism, through the first seven and a half decades of India’s independence, have determined the kind of country we are.
To shape a new citizen
Every society has an interdependent relationship with the legal systems that govern it, which is both complex and, especially in our turbulent times, continuously and vociferously contested. It is through this interplay that communities become societies, societies become civilisations, and civilisations acquire a sense of national and historical character. The Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Constituent Assembly, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, not only understood this but explicitly hoped the Constitution would help shape a new kind of citizen. ‘I do not want that our loyalty as Indians should be in the slightest way affected by any competitive loyalty,’ said the great constitutionalist, ‘whether that loyalty arises out of our religion, out of our culture or out of our language. I want all people to be Indians first, Indian last and nothing else but Indians.’
This was a greater challenge than it might have been in another country than India. It was not just the elements he mentioned — religion, culture and language — that divided Indians and seemed to fly in the face of an idea of shared citizenship. There was, as Ambedkar knew all too well, the dark shadow of caste and social hierarchy. ‘In politics we will be recognizing the principle of one man one vote and one vote one value. In our social and economic life, we shall, by reason of our social and economic structure, continue to deny the principle of one man one value. How long shall we continue to live this life of contradictions?’ Ambedkar famously asked.
Incorporating the underclass
Ambedkar’s eloquent assault on discrimination and untouchability for the first time cogently expanded the reach of the Indian idea to incorporate the nation’s vast, neglected underclass. Ambedkar — a product of Columbia University and the London School of Economics, and principal of the prestigious Government Law College in Bombay — was deeply troubled by the iniquities of the caste system and the fear of many Dalits that national independence would merely lead to the social and political dominance of the upper castes. As an opponent of caste tyranny, and a nationalist, he believed that Dalits must support India’s freedom from British rule but that they must pursue their struggle for equal rights within the framework of the new constitution that he had a major hand in drafting.
Despite his own pessimism, Ambedkar’s solution has worked. As I had pointed out in this space, the most important contribution of the Constitution to Indian civic nationalism was that of representation centred on individuals. The establishment of a constitutional democracy in post-colonial India involved an attempt to free Indians from prevailing types of categorisation, and to place each citizen in a realm of individual agency that went beyond the immutable identity conferred by birth. In the process the Constitution transcended all those identities that both defined and divided Indians.
The Constitution provided a legal structure to an implicit idea of India as of one land embracing many. It reflected the idea that a nation may incorporate differences of caste, creed, colour, culture, cuisine, conviction, consonant, costume, and custom, and still rally around a democratic consensus. That consensus is around the simple principle that in a democracy under the rule of law, you do not really need to agree all the time — except on the ground rules of how you will disagree. The reason India has survived all the stresses and strains that have beset it for three quarters of a century (and that led so many in the 1950s and 1960s to predict its imminent disintegration), is that it maintained consensus on how to manage without consensus. Today, some in positions of power in India seem to be questioning those ground rules, and that, sadly, is why it is all the more essential to reaffirm them now.
The rule of law
Indian nationalism is thus the nationalism of an idea, the idea of what I have dubbed an ever-ever land — emerging from an ancient civilisation, united by a shared history, sustained by pluralist democracy under the rule of law. What knits this entire concept of Indian nationhood together is, of course, the rule of law, enshrined in our Constitution.
The struggle for Indian independence was, after all, not simply a struggle for freedom from alien rule. It was a shift away from an administration of law and order centred on imperial despotism. It is from this that the idea of ‘constitutional morality’ was born, meaning a national commitment to pursuing desirable ends through constitutional means, to upholding and respecting the Constitution’s processes and structures, and to doing so in a spirit of transparency and accountability, free speech, public scrutiny of government actions and legal limitations on the exercise of power. This was how freedom was intended to flourish in India.
The Constitution’s spirit
Of course, Ambedkar realised it is perfectly possible to pervert the Constitution, without changing its form, by merely changing the form of the administration to make it inconsistent with the spirit of the Constitution. Ambedkar argued that constitutional morality ‘is not a natural sentiment. It has to be cultivated. We must realize that our people have yet to learn it. Democracy in India is only a top-dressing on an Indian soil which is essentially undemocratic’. He insisted that the Directive Principles — an unusual feature of the Indian Constitution not found elsewhere — were necessary because although the rules of democracy mandated that the people must elect those who will hold power, the principles confirmed that ‘whoever captures power will not be free to do what he likes with it’.
To recall these basic principles today is to recognise how far we are currently straying from them, and the dangers inherent in the present government’s practice of paying lip-service to the Constitution while trampling on its spirit. This Republic Day, as we gear up to commemorate the 75th anniversary of our Independence a little over six months later, we must remind ourselves of, and rededicate ourselves to, the ideals that lie behind the Constitution whose entry into force we all celebrate on January 26.
Shashi Tharoor is Lok Sabha MP for Thiruvananthapuram and the author of 23 books, most recently ‘Pride, Prejudice and Punditry’
A military vessel probably will not be your first thought when it comes to Germany’s role in India. Nonetheless, against all COVID odds and with due health precautions in place, the German Navy frigateBayernlanded in Mumbai on Thursday, January 20, 2022. A port call (picture) which might be business as usual for India with regard to many other friendly countries is, on close inspection, a remarkable step for Indo-German relations.
The setting of a new order
Germany has realised that the world’s political and economic centre of gravity is, to a large degree, shifting to the Indo-Pacific region, with India as a key player, strategic partner and long-standing democratic friend at the hub. Here is where a significant part of the future international order is being shaped. The visit of theBayernshows that we are not just talking. Here is a concrete outcome of the Indo-Pacific Policy Guidelines that Germany adopted in autumn 2020 and the European Union’s Indo-Pacific Strategy published last year. So why did we come up with such guidelines at this particular time?
Germany is determined to contribute to buttressing the rules-based international order at a time when it is exposed to grave challenges. For Europe, just like for India, it is vital that trade routes stay open, that freedom of navigation is upheld and that disputes are resolved peacefully on the basis of international law. India is a maritime powerhouse and a strong advocate for free and inclusive trade — and, therefore, a primary partner on that mission.
The challenges
The Indo-Pacific, with India as its centrepiece, looms large in Germany’s and the European Union’s foreign policy. Why? The Indo-Pacific region is home to around 65% of the global population and 20 of the world’s 33 megacities. The region accounts for 62% of global GDP and 46% of the world’s merchandise trade. On the other hand, it is also the source of more than half of all global carbon emissions. This makes the region’s countries key partners in tackling global challenges such as climate change and sustainable energy production and consumption.
As much as India, Germany is a trading nation. More than 20% of German trade is conducted in the Indo-Pacific neighbourhood. This is why Germany and India share a responsibility to maintain and support stability, prosperity and freedom in this part of the world. Europe’s key interests are at stake when championing a free and open Indo-Pacific.
TheBayern’s seven-month journey in the region is coming full circle in India. Even before its first port call, the Indian Navy “greeted” theBayernon the high seas and our troops undertook a joint passing exercise — a strong and warm Indian welcome for Germany to the region. After having visited Japan, Australia, Vietnam, Singapore and other countries in the region, Mumbai is the last station before theBayernsets course to return to Germany. Our message is one of cooperation and inclusiveness. But inclusiveness does not mean blind equidistance. We will not stand by when the multilateral order is challenged and when attempts are made to try to place the law of power over the power of law. TheBayernparticipated in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and European Union missions Sea Guardian in the Mediterranean Sea and Operation ATALANTA — formally European Union Naval Force (EU NAVFOR) Somalia — in the Arabian Sea. On her way from Tokyo to Busan, she helped monitor United Nations sanctions against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.
A chance for coordination
After 16 years of Angela Merkel’s chancellorship, Olaf Scholz took the helm of the German government in December 2021. During their inaugural conversation, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and he agreed that as major democracies and strategic partners, India and Germany will step up their cooperation to tackle common challenges, with climate change on top of the agenda.
No global problem can be solved without India’s active involvement. This year, Germany will hold the G7 Presidency, and from December 2022, India will assume the same role for the G20. This is an opportunity for joint and coordinated action.
I am particularly confident about one aspect of our relations: Germany cooperates with India to the tune of €1.3 billion a year in development projects, 90% of which serves the purpose of fighting climate change, saving natural resources as well as promoting clean and green energy. No country receives more such support from Germany than India. What world leaders agreed upon at COP26 in Glasgow, Germany and India are putting into practice. Together we work on a sustainable path for India’s growth that will benefit both our countries. For example, we have been supporting the construction of a huge solar plant in Maharashtra’s Dhule (Sakri). With a capacity of 125 Megawatt, it serves 2,20,000 households and generates annual CO2 savings of 155,000 tons.
As India celebrates 75 years of independence, this visit sends a signal of friendship and cooperation. We are setting sail for a powerful partnership, in calm waters and heavy seas alike. And hopefully, we will exceed your expectations, every once in a while.
Walter J. Lindner is the Ambassador of The Federal Republic of Germany to India. Prior to this, he was Germany’s Foreign Secretary as well as Ambassador to
South Africa, Kenya, and Venezuela
In the run-up to the February 14 Uttarakhand Assembly elections, temples and development are among the issues raised by politicians. Former Uttarakhand Chief Minister Trivendra Singh Rawat’s attempt to bring the four shrines of Badrinath, Kedarnath, Gangotri and Yamunotri as well as other temples under one board ended with the 2019 Act being withdrawn in November 2021, after continued opposition from priests. The new Chief Minister, Pushkar Singh Dhami, who in July 2021 replaced Tirath Singh Rawat, who had replaced Mr. Trivendra Singh Rawat in March of the same year, carried out a review. Mr. Dhami said while the decision to constitute the board may have been taken with good intentions, it had been rolled back after discussion within the Government. Going into the elections, everyone from Prime Minister Narendra Modi to local leaders in the BJP have touted the redevelopment of Kedarnath as among the achievements of what they call the “double engine” government in the Centre and Uttarakhand. In December, Mr. Modi inaugurated the start of the Lakhwar multipurpose project and Rs. 8,700 crore-worth of road projects. With the Government backing major infrastructure projects, Mr. Modi termed this the decade of Uttarakhand. While environmentalists have raised concerns over rules being broken for the large infrastructure projects, major parties have not yet raised the environmental concerns.
Issues of national security and the welfare of ex-service members are also dominating the campaign. With a large population of retired soldiers, Uttarakhand politics has always witnessed some grandstanding on issues that appeal to them. The brother of the late Chief of Defence Staff, General Bipin Rawat, Col. (retd.) Vijay Rawat, joined the BJP this week. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has projected another retired colonel, Ajay Kothiyal, as its chief ministerial candidate and promised government jobs to all ex-service members in the State. Mr. Dhami has spoken as the “son of a soldier” and said the BJP alone respects the forces. The BJP is trying to fight anti-incumbency and the impression that it is a divided house, having changed two Chief Ministers within months in 2021. The Congress is hoping to wrest back power, after having lost it in 2017. Infighting and tussles over ticket distribution within the party have come out into the open, with former Chief Minister Harish Rawat being one of the claimants to the leadership position. AAP has joined the race with the promise of development, replicating the Delhi model, and an end to the “power sharing” between the BJP and the Congress. A raft of promises, from free water and electricity to better schools, is being made. What is lacking is an informed debate on a development model that is suitable to the ecologically fragile place that Uttarakhand is.
That the wrong remedy could exacerbate an ailment and not cure it is a well understood adage. This holds true for the Union government’s (Department of Personnel & Training – DoPT) proposals to amend Rule 6 related to deputation of cadre officers of the IAS (Cadre) Rules 1954. Reports have shown that the deputation from States to the Union government has been uneven. Some States have not nominated officers for deputation adequately to work with the Union government; in this, West Bengal (11 out of the 280 officers are on central deputation), Rajasthan (13 out of 247) and Telangana (7 out of an authorised strength of 208) stand out. This has led to vacancies across Union government ministries. Numbers accessed byThe Hindushow that actual deputation as a percentage of the mandated reserves fell from 69% (2014) to 30% (2021), suggesting that there is merit in the DoPT’s identification of shortages in deputation being an issue. But does this necessitate the rule changes proposed by the DoPT, which include acquiring overriding powers for the Union government that will do away with seeking approval from the States for transferring IAS and IPS officers?
Two of the rules are particularly problematic — in case of any disagreement between the Union and State governments, the States shall give effect to the former’s decision “within a specified time”. And in some “specific situations”, States would have to depute certain cadres whose services are sought by the Union government. These changes amount to arm-twisting States and unwilling bureaucrats to be deputed to serve the Union government and also presenting afait accomplito States for “specific situations” which have not been defined and prone to misinterpretation and politicisation. These proposed changes have unsurprisingly raised the hackles of State governments. As governance responsibilities during the pandemic have shown, States are quite dependent upon the bureaucracy, and deputation to the Union government should not be done at the cost of State requirements. Also, the Union government must address the key question of the reluctance of capable civil servants to be deputed away from the States. Reports have indicated that civil servants have found the top-down culture in Union government offices to be stifling and prefer the relative autonomy at the State level. There is clearly a need for a more qualitative approach that tackles such work culture issues. Besides, a State-by-State look at deputation that disincentivises those States which depute officers much below the mandated numbers to the Union government by adjusting future cadre strength reviews by the Union Public Service Commission should also address the shortage problem. These steps are better than any rule changes that amount to fiats striking at federalism.
It is unfortunate that the Prime Minister has decried rights (Page 1, “Focus on rights made India weak, says PM”, January 21). Indeed, the basket of rights in India remains small and most of it out of reach. There are more cases of authorities denying and violating people’s rights than of people availing them. When it comes to protesting against the abuses of authority, most Indians are in fact acutely wanting in the knowledge and consciousness of their rights. In fact, it may be said that, deprived of any meaningful sets of rights, a vast number of Indians, especially the down-trodden, have yet to attain the dignified status of citizenship. Moreover, it is contradictory to blame people’s struggles for rights as having weakened the nation, since the nation does not stand in opposition to the people, but it is the people who make the nation. Struggles and aspirations for rights imply that people are lacking the same. As it is, there is a huge sense of the thin architecture of the rights to information, rural employment, education, etc. being hollowed out, if not razed, by an insensitive regime. As for the false binary between rights and duties, a just balance would be to hold the powerful — including those in the government — accountable in terms of their duties, and enlarge the spectrum of rights for the weak, and the citizens at large. Finally, 75 years of Independence is just the right time to empower people by strengthening citizenship rights through legislation and ensuring that they are neither abused nor violated with impunity by the administration, instead of haranguing against what little has been gained by fellow citizens.
Firoz Ahmad,
New Delhi
In the context of violations and attacks on democratic and human rights in the country, the words of the Prime Minister sound ominous. Are we being prepared for further doses of illiberalism? Fundamental rights enshrined in the Constitution should remain non-negotiable in a country like India, steeped in social and economic inequalities.
Manohar Alembath,
Kannur, Kerala
Fundamental rights and duties are complementary to each other, not substitutes. A democracy cannot thrive in the long run without an alignment between the two.
Vardan Gupta,
Sonipat, Haryana
I endorse the Prime Minister’s view. But I believe the remedy should start from the top level of our administration. Political leaders and the bureaucratic elite should get rid of the privileges enjoyed by them at the expense of the common man and lead a simple and transparent life. “Yadhaa Raja,Thadhaa Praja” is an old saying — equally valid in a modern democracy like ours; only the “selection of theRaja” is through periodic elections. The BJP should lead in implementing a “duties first, rights later” concept in day-to-day life.
M.V. Nagavender Rao,
Hyderabad
The article, “Drop the IAS cadre rules amendments” (Editorial page, January 21), appears to only highlight the State perspective and does not consider the AIS policy for the country as a whole. Now, the perception is that many officers have taken to political patronage. For policy formulation, officers must have experience and knowledge of various fields. It is high time State governments broaden their vision and send all AIS officers on central deputation by rotation, narrowing the gap between policy formulation and policy implementation.
Ranjan Kumar Sharma,
Pune
Dr. V. Shanta (Tamil Nadu, “Remembering a tall leader”, January 19) was a phenomenon that happened to India’s medical fraternity when cancer care seemed a distant dream. She once said, “When the sick approach the gates of the institute, weak in body and spirit, and full of fear, there is only one response — you have to become a part of them.” It may be recalled that when a journalist used the word ‘cancer’ as a metaphor to report a mega bank scam, Dr. Shanta strongly objected to it and said, “Corruption is a crime and something to be ashamed of; cancer is not.”
R. Sivakumar,
Chennai
Punjab Chief Minister Darbara Singh escaped an attack on his life when a Sikh youth pounced on him and hit him on the neck at Panchatta village, 45 kms from Jullundur. The assailant tried to take out a sharp-edged weapon but was overpowered by the police and public. The weapon was seized from him, the police said. Singh had gone to the village to inaugurate a one-day convention on national integration and communal harmony at Guru Nanak Navbharati College. About 40 people including film actor Raj Kapoor, Punjab Congress (I) Darshan Singh Kapurthala and Punjabi singer Surinder Kaur were sitting on the dais when the Punjab CM was assaulted. The youth believed to be a Dal Khalsa member has been identified as Iqbal Singh of Mangal Jandla village in Hoshiarpur.
The Mizoram authorities have arrested about 100 volunteers and sympathisers of the Mizo National Front, which was banned on January 20. Official sources said that amongst those arrested were close relatives of the MNF chief Laldenga, including his younger brother and brother-in-law. Chief Secretary Aubrey H Scott said that many heavy calibre automatic arms had been impounded from the hideouts of the banned outfit. Meanwhile Laldenga has indicated that the breakdown of the talks, the truce with the government in force since 1976 could be revoked.
The United States has vetoed the diluted Arab resolution calling all states to consider punitive measures against Israel for its annexation of the Golan heights. The vote in the UN security council was 9-1 with five abstentions. Britain and France, two other permanent members, abstained as did Ireland, Japan and Panama.
The amendments proposed by the Union government to the IAS cadre rules are turning into yet another flashpoint in already fraught Centre-state relations. Various state governments, including some headed by the NDA, have registered their disapproval of the changes that could give the Centre greater control over officers of the Indian Administrative Service (IAS). West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, who has written two letters on this subject to Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the past eight days, has described the amendments as going against the “basic structure of India’s constitutional scheme”. In her second letter, sent on Thursday, Banerjee has warned that the move could turn into a major political confrontation between the Centre and the states.
The four amendments proposed to the IAS cadre rules concern the deputation of officers to the Centre. The officers are recruited and appointed by the Centre and allotted to various states, to work in the states or under the Centre as per requirement. The convention has been that officers are deputed to the Centre after a consultative process involving the Union government, the state government and the concerned officer, and with the consent of the officer and the state government. The proposed tweaking of the rules would make the Centre’s preferences overriding, making it mandatory for the state government to provide a certain number of officers every year for central deputation, which could force the state governments to compel even reluctant officers to go to the Centre. One reason behind the Centre’s push is reportedly the decline in the number of officers opting for central assignments — only 10 per cent mid-level IAS officers were posted with the central government in 2021 as against 19 per cent in 2014, according to a report. The shortfall in officers on central deputation has, reportedly, started to show. This is a problem that calls for a quick resolution, of course. However, solutions have to be found without upsetting the federal balance or alienating the state government and the services. A starting point could be to find the reasons behind the reluctance of officers to go on central deputation. One of the reasons could arguably be that they prefer the relative autonomy in their home cadre to an excessively centralised system at the Centre. The Centre’s preference for lateral entrants in important positions has also made central deputation unattractive for many senior officers, who prefer more challenging assignments in the state government. Such concerns call for the Centre and the states to sit together and resolve them in the true spirit of federalism.
Centre-state relations have reached a new low in recent months and can be said to resemble the Indira Gandhi era, when an overbearing Union government was frequently accused by the Opposition of trampling on the rights of the states. Recently, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu and Kerala — run by Opposition parties — accused the Centre of rejecting their Republic Day tableaux for political reasons. The face-off over the IAS cadre rules, however, is far more serious, with long-term consequences.
This editorial first appeared in the print edition on January 22, 2022 under the title ‘Battlefront IAS’.
The Centre’s decision to rank states according to the speed at which they issue environmental clearances is ill judged and short sighted. It undermines the role of regulatory oversight in environmental protection — recognised in several Supreme Court verdicts as one of the key instruments to ensure the right to life — by incentivising state environment impact assessment authorities (SEIAA) to seek “fewer details” from project developers. There is no denying that clearance procedures are often riddled with red tapism. And that environmental protection must be balanced with developmental priorities. These are complex tasks that require strengthening of institutions and making regulatory procedures foolproof. Experts have rightly pointed out that the ranking exercise will compromise the SEIAAs’ mandate to assess the impact of industrial, real estate and mining schemes on the environment and lead to an unhealthy competition amongst these agencies to swiftly clear projects without due diligence.
In recent times, the MoEF has laid much store on speedy clearances of projects. In a statement issued in December last year, it pointed out that the average time taken to issue environmental clearances had reduced from 150 days to 90 days in the past two years and that the clearance time is as low as 60 days in some sectors. But the ministry has not clarified if this reduction in time has improved the level of scrutiny of projects on critical environmental yardsticks. The MoEF’s self-congratulatory tone about the rate of approval has been rightly criticised because it has coincided with moves to chip away at key environmental regulation. Last year, for instance, it weakened the public hearing provision for Environment Impact Assessment (EIA), extended the deadline for compliance with emission norms for most thermal power plants from 2022 to 2025 and planned to reduce the ecological protection accorded to the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. It has also diluted the Coastal Zone Notification and proposed to amend the Forest Conservation Act to allow the use of forests for infrastructural projects in areas of “strategic importance”. The new grading system will further weaken the country’s environmental protection regime.
At a time when climate change is driving home the ecological fragility of large parts of India and pollution and water scarcity are taking a serious toll on the well-being of people in cities, towns, and villages, regulatory bodies require enabling policies to perform their tasks with rigour. The grading exercise, instead, reduces them to clearing houses. The Centre must rethink its move.
This editorial first appeared in the print edition on January 22, 2022 under the title ‘Rigour, not just speed’.
Reality talent shows follow a set pattern, a la American Idol. There are three judges — the amiable one, the one who does the “balancing act”, and the bully. Ashneer Grover — who played the latter role on Shark Tank India — clearly wasn’t putting on an act. If the audio clip of him allegedly abusing, threatening and berating a Kotak bank employee is anything to go by, he was even underplaying his abrasiveness on TV. Unfortunately, tempting as it is to think of the BharatPe co-founder’s alleged verbal assault as an aberration, his behaviour may be typical of a significant section of India’s entitled elite.
Grover — who has gone on leave after the scandal broke — is a symbol of the start-up culture that has been celebrated in recent times for establishing a new eco-system that breaks from the inequities and hierarchies of the old. BharatPe, a “unicorn” valued at over $3 billion, is part of the aspirational archetype. Yet, the way Grover apparently screamed at a bank employee is an example of an older and sadly, more entrenched, pattern of behaviour. The sheer uncivility of words and tone is symptomatic of a feudal arrogance. Even the self-made entrepreneur can treat others as though they have no dignity.
In the aftermath of Grover’s outburst, questions have been raised over the toxic work culture in India’s start-ups. If the rich and powerful need a lesson in decency, though, they should look at how the Kotak employee conducted himself during the call. He was polite, he stood up for himself and kept trying to remind Grover not to squander the respect he has worked hard to earn.
This editorial first appeared in the print edition on January 22, 2022 under the title ‘Bully in corner office’.
For the last few years, along with usurping its neighbours’ territories, starting with Doklam and followed by the Galwan crisis, China has escalated armed activities resulting in enhanced cross-border infiltration and armed intrusions. Similarly, the continued Pakistan-backed infiltration of terrorists poses fresh challenges to India.
Two recent developments initiated by China have made our borders more vulnerable. China’s Land Border Law (LBL) will enhance Beijing’s aggressive posture and is aimed at resolving border disputes on its terms. Equally alarming is the move to build 628 “Xiaokang model border defence villages” along the 3,488 km Line of Actual Control (LAC), which is conceived as a tactic to consolidate Chinese claims over disputed areas and garner local support. Additionally, these villages are capable of acting as forward assembly and administrative areas during hostilities. Two villages have already come up in the disputed area across Arunachal Pradesh. These developments warrant a comprehensive review of border management to ensure the all-weather security of our borders.
India shares land borders with Pakistan, China, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Myanmar, which stretch approximately 15,106 km. In addition, we have an approximately 3,323 km-long LoC with Pakistan, which further extends to the rechristened 110 km stretch of “Actual Ground Position Line” (AGPL) dividing the Siachen glacier region. Further east, we have the 3,488 km LAC with China. We share maritime boundaries with Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Myanmar and Indonesia; we have a 7,683 km coastline and an approximately 2 million sq km exclusive economic zone (EEZ).
This makes India’s task more complex than most other countries. This complexity is accentuated by the fact that along with the army, we have multiple other security agencies — the Central Armed Police Force (CAPF) and the Paramilitary Forces (PMF) — sharing the responsibility. While the army is deployed along the LoC and AGPL, the Border Security Force (BSF) looks after the international border with Pakistan and Bangladesh. Guarding the LAC has been assigned to the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) and Assam Rifles. The Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) is responsible for guarding the borders with Nepal and Bhutan. The Assam Rifles looks after our border with Myanmar. In a nutshell, in addition to the army, we have four agencies guarding borders with six neighbours. Conversely, maritime borders are guarded by a single agency — the Coast Guard.
Most countries have raised specialised and dedicated armed bodies for border security. For example, Iran has the Border Guard Command, Italy has the Border Police Service, Russia has created a Border Guard Service, whereas in the US, it is under Homeland Security. Closer home, in China, it is the People’s Armed Police, while Pakistan has a Frontier Corps for its western border and the Rangers looking after the Indo-Pak Border. Most of these countries, based on threat perception and for better combat cohesion, have placed these organisations under the command of the armed forces.
In India, we have unwieldy arrangements. As a result, there is a lack of a coherent policy on training, planning and the conduct of guarding operations among various outfits. Overall coordination is also affected. Going by the instances along the western border, our adversary has often escalated violations by resorting to the prolonged use of military resources. Similarly, their modus operandi has also undergone a qualitative change whereby they have buttressed border security by co-opting military battle drills and sub-unit tactics such as sniping, launching raids and ambushes on the Loc/international border by deploying regular troops. Chinese provocations along the LAC are military operations. Clearly, the peace-time scenario is now by and large militarised.
In this scenario, India needs a single security agency adequately equipped, suitably armed and trained in advanced military drills and sub-unit tactics to guard our borders. The manpower and infrastructure should be created by pooling and merging the resources of the CAPF and Assam Rifles. Further, to augment the battle efficiency, a fixed percentage of manpower, including the officer cadre, should be drawn on deputation from the army. The proposed outfit, let’s call it the National Border Guard, (NBG), should have the explicit mandate to effectively retaliate against cross-border transgressions and stabilise the situation till the operations are taken over by the armed forces.
To ensure the desired training and operational standards, the NBG should be designated as a paramilitary force under the Ministry of Defence and operate under the army. Finally, a collateral spin-off — an opportunity to prune the bulky CAPF into a cohesive, lean and efficient force. The ITBP and the SSB should be fully merged into the new outfit; the BSF and CRPF still have important internal security duties and can be partially merged. The reorganised Assam Rifles too should retain its role of conducting counter-insurgency operations and act as a reserve for the army for conventional operations.
This column first appeared in the print edition on January 22, 2022 under the title ‘A National Border Guard’. The writer was a colonel in the Indian Army.
It is time that we took a fresh look at the Tenth Schedule to our Constitution. We need to supplant it with a regime that does not make a mockery of those who openly flout its provisions and enjoy the trappings of power without any serious consequences. The flaws in the functioning of the Tenth Schedule, as it exists, are many.
First, paragraph 3 of the Tenth Schedule was omitted by the Constitution (91st Amendment) Act, 2003, which came into effect on January 1, 2004. Paragraph 3, as it existed prior to the amendment, protected defectors as long as one-third of the members of a political party formed a separate group. In the context of small assemblies, one-third of the members could easily be cobbled together. In such situations, a government’s stability was always in jeopardy. It also allowed for piecemeal defections reaching the threshold of one-third of the total members of a political party, thereafter allowing the defectors to claim protection under paragraph 3. Often, the speaker of the assembly was seen to be collaborating with the political party in power to protect the defectors under the one-third rule. Such partisan conduct of the speakers is at the heart of a non-functional Tenth Schedule.
Second, after the omission of paragraph 3, paragraph 4 allowed for the protection of defecting members provided two-thirds of the members of the legislative party merged with another political party. This provision has invariably been misused. The seeming political bias of the speakers acting as tribunals is apparent from how disqualification petitions are dealt with. We have seen this happen in Manipur, Goa, Madhya Pradesh, Uttarakhand and other jurisdictions.
Third, there is a constitutional flaw in the manner in which the provisions of paragraph 4 have been enacted. Paragraph 4(1) stipulates that a member of the house will not be disqualified from his membership where his original political party merges with another political party and he claims that he and other members have become members of the other political party or a new political party is being formed by such merger. However, paragraph 4(2) provides that such a merger would be deemed to have taken place only if not less than two-thirds of the members of the legislative party agreed to such a merger. This allows for clandestine corruption where two-thirds of the members of the legislative party are bought over, by means fair or foul, to either topple governments or to strengthen a razor-thin majority of the party in power. This makes the entire provision unworkable and unconstitutional. Protection of defectors under paragraph 4 is often deployed in situations where the disgruntled elements within a political party, as members of the legislative party, are persuaded to use these provisions even though no merger has taken place in terms of paragraph 4 of the original political party.
We have witnessed situations where, even though the provisions of paragraph 4 are not ex-facie attracted, the speaker of the assembly makes sure that the proceedings are interminably prolonged so that the term of the assembly comes to an end before the proceedings under the Tenth Schedule against those ex-facie defectors have been concluded. The case of Goa is a glaring example where proceedings dragged on for a couple of years and now that fresh elections are around the corner, these proceedings have no value in law. We witnessed the same in Manipur. In Madhya Pradesh, too, the Congress government fell because of such open defections. The same fate befell a coalition government in Karnataka.
The other very disconcerting constitutional feature in relation to defections that requires urgent attention is Article 164(1B). It stipulates that a member of the legislative assembly who is disqualified from being a member of the house under paragraph 2 of the Tenth Schedule shall also be disqualified to be a minister from the date of his disqualification till the date on which the term of his office as such a member would expire or where he contests the election to the legislative assembly before the expiry of the term of the assembly. This allows for the toppling of governments by inducements of various kinds. The motivation is that a fresh election allows the disqualified member to be re-elected. He then becomes a member of the assembly once again, as its term is not over and can also be appointed a minister. Under Article 164(1B), such a defection has no real consequences. It is clearly a provision that surpasses all canons of morality.
To supplant the Tenth Schedule, speakers, when elected must resign from the party to which they belong. At the end of their term, there should be a cooling-off period before they can become members of any political party. Second, paragraph 4 of the Tenth Schedule should be omitted by moving a constitutional amendment. Third, all those disqualified under paragraph 2 of the Tenth Schedule should neither be entitled to contest elections nor hold public office for five years from the date of their disqualification. And Article 164(1B) should be omitted by moving a constitutional amendment.
All petitions for disqualification of members under paragraph 2 of the Tenth Schedule should be decided, by adopting a summary procedure, within a period of three months counted from the date of filing of petitions for disqualification. An appeal should be provided for under the Tenth Schedule only to the Supreme Court.
If our polity wants to get rid of open corruption, it needs to take urgent steps to plug existing loopholes that have made the Tenth Schedule unworkable. Let our politicians not be seen as collaborators in flouting the Constitution.
This column first appeared in the print edition on January 22, 2022 under the title ‘Slipping through the cracks’. The writer, a senior Congress leader, is a former Union minister
Judges are constantly confronted with new crises that demand responsible adjudication. This is what makes the practice of law — both at the bar and on the bench — exciting. In the past few weeks, two fascinating court cases involving Covid-19 vaccination regimes have captured the public imagination and warranted the attention of judges in the United States and Australia.
On January 13, 2022, the United States Supreme Court (SCOTUS) delivered a judgment in National Federation of Independent Business v Department of Labour, Occupational Safety and Health Administration pertaining to the Joe Biden administration’s vaccine or weekly-test mandate for all employers with 100 or more employees. In a 6-3 decision, the judges ruled that the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) had exceeded its power in issuing such a mandate, minus an authorisation from Congress. The majority comprised the six conservative judges appointed by Republican administrations.
The majority’s rationale was that while Congress has given OSHA the power to regulate workplace dangers, it “has not given that agency the power to regulate public health more broadly.” The court reasoned that while Covid-19 “is a risk that occurs in many workplaces, it is not an occupational hazard in most.” Noting that Covid-19 can spread practically anywhere that people gather, the court declared that the universal risk the virus presents is no different from the day-to-day dangers that people confront from crime or air pollution.
Yet, in a companion case Biden v Missouri, SCOTUS allowed the government to temporarily enforce a vaccine mandate for healthcare workers at facilities that receive federal funding. This time, the court was split 5-4, with Chief Justice John Roberts and Donald Trump appointee Justice Brett Kavanaugh joining the three liberal judges Justices Stephen Breyer, Elena Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor.
I highlight the political persuasions of the ruling majorities and dissenting minorities in these cases because vaccines and masking are deeply politicised issues in the United States. Conservatives, including many Republicans, fiercely oppose both vaccine and mask mandates, viewing them as infringing upon freedom, while also questioning their utility. Justice Neil Gorsuch, a Trump appointee, has reportedly refused to wear a mask while hearing cases in physical court. Meanwhile, his senior colleague Justice Sonia Sotomayor has been hearing cases from home because she has diabetes, an underlying condition that puts her at a greater health risk should she contract Covid. In ordinary course, Justices Sotomayor and Gorsuch sat next to each other, and Justice Gorsuch’s refusal to wear a mask has resulted in a controversy about his bench etiquette.
Meanwhile, on January 20, 2022, in Djokovic v Minister of Immigration, the Federal Court of Australia supported the Australian government’s decision to deport the world’s no. 1 tennis player, Novak Djokovic from the country. Djokovic, a Serbian national, had entered Australia to defend his Australian Open championship and bid for a record-breaking tenth title. The drama that unfolded over the last two weeks saw Djokovic being detained twice, winning a challenge before one judge, practising on the tennis courts for a few days, and then being hauled back into detention after a higher court ruled against him.
Prior to his arrival in Australia, Djokovic chose not to get vaccinated, and consistently played down the threat of Covid-19. Shortly after he tested positive in early December 2021, he continued to attend public events in Serbia unmasked. The player came into conflict with Australia’s zero-Covid policy, which involves strong vaccine imperatives and allows entry to only those foreigners who are fully vaccinated.
The Federal Court of Australia approved the Minister of Immigration’s argument that Djokovic’s continued presence, as a celebrity athlete and role model known to oppose vaccinations, “would foster anti-vaccination sentiment.” The court observed that there was sufficient material before the minister to show that anti-vaccination groups had portrayed Djokovic as a hero and icon of freedom for his stance opposing vaccination. Under Australian law, the Minister of Immigration can cancel a visa if the visa holder presents a risk to the health or good order of the Australian community. In this instance, the minister and the court both agreed that Djokovic — an iconic tennis star — may encourage people who were uncertain as to whether they should vaccinate to follow his example in eschewing vaccinations. On January 16, the world’s top tennis player was deported from Australia. Djokovic’s tennis career may be imperilled due to his refusal to get vaccinated. Reports have emerged that the French Open will also not allow unvaccinated players to compete.
Fortunately, in India both vaccination and mask-wearing are bipartisan issues. All across the political class have welcomed the availability of vaccines and have supported the wearing of masks. If anything, the critique of India’s vaccination policy has revolved around the insufficiency in vaccine procurement by the government during the second wave last year, and not whether vaccines work or not.
In May 2021, the Supreme Court of India in Re: Distribution of Essential Supplies and Services during the Pandemic took suo motu cognisance of the insufficiency of vaccine availability and influenced the government in changing its policy. As a result, the central government now procures 75 per cent of all vaccines, and the remaining 25 per cent are available in the open market. The earlier policy required state governments to purchase vaccines from the open market to meet their requirements. Interestingly, the central government recently informed the Supreme Court in a case concerning the vaccination of those who are physically challenged in Evara Foundation v Union of India, that there are no vaccine mandates in the country, nor will vaccinations be conducted on a person who does not consent. The government’s affidavit made it clear that while they strongly support and publicise the need to get fully vaccinated and wear masks, there will be no coercion.
As the Omicron variant shows signs of receding, it is still unclear whether this is the waning of the pandemic or the start of a new reality of living with the virus. What is certain is that vaccines and masks will continue to present legal challenges in courts — whether through tennis stars or governments or members of the public. The courts and judges will certainly be adjudicating more on public health dilemmas, while engaging a fundamental question — where does freedom end and responsibility to the larger good begin?
Guruswamy is a Senior Advocate at the Supreme Court of India
After 20 months of living through a pandemic, with the ever-present threat of new variants, the world is navigating the path forward with caution. With increasing vaccination coverage, many economies and businesses are getting back on track and gaining momentum.
In the context of continuing uncertainty, new roles are emerging for multilateral groupings of countries. The Quad, which was born in response to a natural calamity, the tsunami of 2004, is once again moving to harness its energies to address another crisis — the pandemic. The countries of the Quad are unified in saving the planet from environmental degradation. Alongside economic development, progress must be sustainable, given the climate crisis the world faces today.
The first-ever in-person leaders’ summit of the Quad was held last year when US President Joe Biden hosted Narendra Modi, Scott Morrison, and Yoshihide Suga at the White House. At the historic meeting, the leaders formulated ambitious goals to strengthen partnership and improve collaboration on new-age challenges such as ending the pandemic; promoting advanced infrastructure; fighting the climate crisis and partnering on emerging technologies.
The two areas where the Quad nations can make a consequential impact are energy and climate action.
In a scenario where rising population will lead to an increase in energy demand, countries cannot afford to depend on fossil fuels for power generation. These deplete natural resources, have high input costs and produce often uncontrollable emissions. At a time when the world is suffering from major catastrophes such as floods due to unseasonal rainfall, forest fires and the hampering of biodiversity, the alternative of renewable energy is imperative. The Quad can drive inclusive energy transition in technology, manufacturing, and finance.
With regards to technology, Quad nations such as Australia, Japan, and the US can provide much-needed technology expertise required to achieve the energy transition goals set under frameworks such as the International Solar Alliance (ISA) and OSOWOG (One Sun One World One Grid). The US recently became the 101st member of ISA, a re-emphasis of its commitment to lead broadly in the global fight against climate change.
India is well-placed to provide manufacturing infrastructure to build these technologies. To take over from China as the “world’s factory”, it will have to mirror its advantages of large-scale production at low costs. Doing this successfully will also help create much-needed employment in the country.
Like many major long-term initiatives, energy transition needs adequate funding. The developed nations of the Quad have a role and an opportunity to drive capital investments towards helping developing nations to move towards sustainable forms of energy. For instance, “climate finance” is required to facilitate global interconnected grids.
The climate crisis calls for urgency in action. With a focus on adaptation, resilience, and preparedness, Quad nations are already driving their efforts toward climate ambition, including working on the 2030 targets for national emissions and renewable energy, clean-energy innovation, and deployment. The most commendable commitment is their focus on increasing the Indo-Pacific region’s resilience to climate change by improving critical climate information-sharing and disaster-resilient infrastructure.
Plans such as building a new technical facility through the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure to provide technical assistance in small island developing states and setting up a Climate and Information Services Task Force are good steps. But these will require constant monitoring and periodic review to ensure that a real difference is made on the ground.
Japan is slated to host the second in-person meeting of the Quad group next year, where the focus will be on vaccine diplomacy, supply chain security and infrastructure development in the Indo-Pacific region. While these are pressing issues, the summit must not overlook or forgo a follow up on energy and climate action tasks.
The massive investment planned from now till 2050 to reach the 1.5°C pathway illustrates the scale of what needs to be done. Nations have already shown a great deal of commitment in the Quad vaccine partnership to help enhance equitable access to safe and effective vaccines in the region and the world. A similar form of commitment needs to be replicated in energy and climate action.
Through concerted efforts and tangible strategies, the Quad nations are strategically placed to make an impact not only on their own problems, but also those of the entire planet. The time has come for them to lead the path to a truly sustainable future.
This column first appeared in the print edition on January 22, 2022 under the title ‘Climate and the Quad’. The writer is chairman and CEO, KPMG India
The vociferous protests being heard from various quarters at the shifting of the Amar Jawan Jyoti — the eternal flame which honours India’s “unknown soldier” — from its location under India Gate to the National War Memorial (NWM) not only represent an irony for India’s military veterans, but also a deep schism in India’s socio-political landscape.
Let us first address the “schism”. Such is the level of suspicion and distrust in India’s contemporary politics, and so heated is the environment, that every action by the government of the day is seen as a move to bolster the electoral prospects of the ruling party. Nowhere is this trend more perceptible than in the military sphere. Ever since the Prussian strategist Clausewitz classified “war as a continuation of politics…” politicians, worldwide — from Indira Gandhi to Margaret Thatcher — have unabashedly made political capital out of military achievements.
In India, however, given that elections are an endemic phenomenon, there is a need for governments to exercise prudence in this context and draw “red lines” for themselves. The concern here is not so much about the undue advantage accruing to parties as about the corrosive influence of excessive political posturing and exposure, which can undermine the integrity and cohesion of our — so far — apolitical military leadership as well as the rank and file. The political theatre about the shifting of the Amar Jawan Jyoti, being enacted live and on social media, is merely the latest manifestation of this schism.
As for the “irony”, it requires us to take a look back at recent history. For as long as one can remember, India’s servicemen had ruefully noted what seemed like not just a lack of gratitude, but also an acknowledgement, on the part of their compatriots of the sacrifices of their soldiers. Since November 3, 1947, when the gallant Major Somnath Sharma fell in the Battle of Badgam, earning India’s first Param Vir Chakra, there has hardly been a day in the life of our embattled nation when some grieving family somewhere has not welcomed home a hero — someone’s father, son or husband, brought to the doorstep in a tricolour-draped coffin.
For years, post-independence, while our wayward media took cursory note of such episodes, politicians studiously ignored the soldiers’ sacrifices in upholding the nation’s integrity. As the adventurism of our neighbours led to conflicts in 1947, 1962, 1965 and 1971, pleas from veterans and citizens that the gallantry and sacrifice of our armed forces deserved recognition in the form of a war memorial continued to fall on deaf political ears.
This indifference was in stark contrast with the attitude of other nations. Whether it was the Arlington Memorial in Washington, the Cenotaph in London, the Arc de Triomphe in Paris or the Liberation War memorial in Dhaka, these magnificent monuments acknowledged the sacrifice of their warriors and enabled fellow citizens to pay homage. Finally, in recognition of the sacrifices of our soldiers, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi inaugurated the Amar Jawan Jyoti at India Gate on January 26, 1972. Such was the feeling of relief and elation at this belated gesture that most of us overlooked two glaring incongruities.
Firstly, the location chosen for the flame was not the most appropriate. India Gate, Edward Lutyen’s half-hearted attempt to copy the magnificent French Arc de Triomphe was a war memorial erected by the British, in 1921 in memory of soldiers who died in World War I and the Third Anglo-Afghan War. While most of the names engraved on the granite walls are of Indian soldiers, a few British officers and soldiers find a place too. The monument does not celebrate a national war and could, at best, be an ad-hoc memorial for India’s fallen.
Secondly, the cenotaph was surmounted with what is known as the “battlefield cross”, consisting of an upright 7.62 mm rifle embedded by the barrel, with a steel helmet mounted on its butt. This symbology originated from an American Civil War custom, wherein it was used as a temporary marker for the location of a soldier’s body on the battlefield till it was collected for permanent internment. It was expected that a suitable, stone monument would be erected in memory of India’s “unknown warrior” but nothing of the sort happened and we retained the “battlefield cross” for 50 years.
There were other slights to soldiers too. The government’s inexplicable refusal for many years to pay homage to fallen soldiers on the anniversaries of the Bangladesh and Kargil wars or the Sri Lanka Indian Peacekeeping Force (IPKF) operations on political grounds rankled. The crowning ignominy was the fact that the Sri Lankan government erected an impressive monument to the IPKF dead in 2008, while these brave soldiers remained unsung in their motherland.
Against this background, the BJP’s 2014 election manifesto, which contained a pledge to “Build a War Memorial to recognise and honour the gallantry of our soldiers” brought hope to many veterans. Five years later, the pledge was redeemed with the inauguration of a 40-acre NWM complex in a central location in the Capital. This was seen by veterans not only as a belated mea culpa by the nation and its political establishment, but also a morale-booster for a million and a half men and women bearing arms. The NWM is now a place for citizens to pay homage to our fallen military heroes. Co-locating the Amar Jawan Jyoti with the NWM seems a logical step, and need not become a subject of political controversy.
National capitals, worldwide, are replete with memorials to wars and warriors, heroic statues of soldiers and squares and avenues named after generals, admirals and famous battles. In India, statues and street names focus mainly on politicians and, occasionally, on religious figures, business tycoons or scholars, with soldiers mostly forgotten. In this context, displaying the statue of Netaji Subhas Bose, a freedom-fighter and a quasi-military Indian icon, on his 125th birth anniversary, at India Gate canopy is to be welcomed.
This column first appeared in the print edition on January 22, 2022 under the title ‘A delayed tribute’. The writer is a retired chief of naval staff
In another win for women’s right to inheritance of property, the Supreme Court has ruled that daughters will have equal rights to their father’s property even prior to the enactment of the Hindu Succession Act (HSA) of 1956. In fact, it clarified that if a property of a male Hindu dying intestate is a self-acquired property or obtained in partition of a coparcenary or family property, the same would devolve by inheritance to daughters, and not by survivorship as was the case before 1956. The apex court has been progressively interpreting the 2005 amendment to the HSA and in 2020 clarified that daughters had coparcenary rights by birth.
In a country where women face massive social and legal hurdles to inheritance, this is a big win. Thanks to deep patriarchal mores and rural-agrarian settings, property, which is seen as a primary source of wealth, is largely inclined to be passed on to male heirs. This in turn deprives women of agency, financial independence and entrepreneurship. True, the recently released National Family Health Survey-5 says that 43% of women respondents reported owning house/land alone or jointly. But doubts remain about women’s ability to actually access and control property. In fact, a 2020 University of Manchester working paper found barely 16% of women in rural landowning households own land.
Plus, inheritance laws for agricultural land remain a minefield with conflicting central personal laws and state laws. In this regard, states such as Punjab, Haryana, UP and even Delhi have regressive inheritance provisions. In fact, Haryana twice tried to take away the progressive rights given to women through HSA, while in UP since 2016 married daughters aren’t considered primary heirs. Add to this ground-level resistance to registering land for women in several north Indian states. Thus, women’s empowerment and property rights remain an unfinished project.
The Centre’s proposed amendment to central deputation rules for IAS, IPS and Indian Forest Service officers to mitigate the shortage of personnel is being opposed by opposition-ruled states. The situation calls for reforms instead of confrontation. GoI’s grouse is that states haven’t been clearing enough officers for central deputation while states complain the new rules easing GoI’s ability to secure an assured supply of officers is a power grab in disguise. Both sides should recognise the key problems – shortage of officers and abundance of government departments.
Therefore, intake of officers through UPSC must increase. GoI’s Group A officers undertaking leadership roles account for just 2.8% of central employees. Too few senior public service employees undermines governance. India’s 3.8% of the workforce comprising public sector officials is pitifully low compared to 22.5% in UK, 13.5% in US and 28% in China. Against UP and Karnataka having 80 and 85 salaried government employees per 10,000 population, virtually no US state has corresponding numbers lower than 200.
Second, big ideas like lateral entry have stuttered. Reforms that streamline emoluments, link development outcomes to career progression, and insulate bureaucrats from unwarranted political interference, are needed to woo talent from corporate, research and academic fields. Third, sprawling governments need trimming. States are constantly spawning new PSUs and welfare bodies. For instance, in 2020, Andhra formed a whopping 56 backward class corporations. Instead of subdividing existing pies, talk about real reforms.
The pandemic isn’t just about a virus and this column isn’t about Sars-Cov-2 or Covid-19. It is, however, about survival. And the pandemic has just made that a whole lot more difficult.
In Mumbai — home to over 2.4 million people and the dreams of those who migrate to it every month, a 300-year-old colonial and on instance, cosmopolitan past, and a sewage system that is still under development — life is lived on the razor’s edge.
Over 60% of the city lives on pavements or in slums defined by the census of India as unfit for human habitation. Yet, humans cohabitate here. And then, more arrive, and unfit habitation proliferates. Dharavi, once the edge of the city and now home to communities of migrants and small industry (cloth, tannery, baked goods), has a density of 354,167 persons per square kilometre.
When the famed monsoon arrives in the city, the skyline deepens to a dark shade of grey, tinged with the lightest of blush. Most of the low-lying parts of the city are inundated, and slums like those in the M-East ward along the Vashi creek are flooded with sewage refuse. In fact, even a century after the flushing technology was first added to city toilets, 53.43 km sq of the city, including in areas like Charkop, Malad and Ghatkopar, aren't covered by a sewerage network, and the city’s civic authorities have already paid ₹34 crore environmental compensation for discharging raw sewage into the city’s nullahs, writer Gitanjali Chandrasekharan found in a series Hindustan Times carried in November.
You can read the rest of the Coastline in Crisis series here.
The incidence of disease as a result of flooding is yet to be mapped on a city-level, but as my colleague Jyoti Shelar wrote in the same series, a 2005 study by a team of doctors at the civic-run hospital KEM hospital found severe mold infestations in the homes of women patients who were admitted in the hospital due to asthma soon after the floods.
On July 26, 2005, large parts of Mumbai were flooded after 944mm of rainfall in a span of 24 hours; 546 people died due to drowning. But the floods, which are an annual occurrence in some parts of the city, weren’t a one-time disaster much as we would like to think it was. (Perhaps, it helps us cope with the Conradian horror of modern living to think of catastrophe as a singular event rather than as a constant unspooling). The women who were hospitalised in KEM, and whose homes the doctors visited with steel tubes, to trap the air and send it for testing to their microbiology labs, lived in areas that had been worst hit by the floods.
Social scientists and economists have a word for this kind of living: precarity.
Shorn off its compelling academic definitions even, precarity is a useful measure to judge urban living by. It points to an inherent vulnerability that Mumbaiites can do nothing about because they — we — dwell amidst political, civic and economic decisions that have not been made keeping the vulnerable in mind. The lens of precarity pokes holes in the clichés that Mumbai sets store by.
I’ve been a Mumbai resident for most of my adult working life — barring three — and I too, have spoken of this city in clichés. I have marvelled at how women can occupy space and well into the night. I have been part of that great morning rush and the evening stampede like millions of people travelling in local trains. I have partaken of the kindness of strangers, a timbre that is unique to this city, and called this city’s residents resilient when struck by tragedies like 26/11 (2008) and disasters like 26/7 (2005).
When the pandemic began, we saw migrants leave Mumbai in droves. On April 14, 2020, when the nationwide lockdown was extended for the second time, thousands gathered at the Bandra Terminus, hoping to get tickets to return home — several had lost their jobs over the last month and couldn’t afford to stay in the city. When they were told that trains and buses weren’t functioning, they took to the roads and walked home, hundreds of kilometres away leaving behind the shelter homes they were housed in by the state government. That’s resilience.
As the pandemic brings us waves of disasters, the question we simply cannot stop asking — and which this column certainly will —is this: What is the precarity behind the cliché of resilience? What will it take for Mumbai, the city, to make life liveable?
Dhamini Ratnam is a senior editor in HT based in Mumbai. Her fortnightly column will focus on what Mumbai’s survival and spirit mean. Her next column will focus on the city's shelters. You can also listen to her podcast, Gender Question, on HT Smartcast among other platforms.
The views expressed are personal
For a city rated as one of the greenest in India, one would assume that Delhi offers enough open, recreational space to its residents. So why do so many people travel across the city to crowd the recently restored Sunder Nursery, the waste-to-art parks, the sprawling gardens in New Delhi or even the under-construction Central Vista Avenue?
Many of them do because Delhi’s green spaces and parks are not distributed evenly across the city. Because most of these residents do not have the option to enjoy their fair share of open space in the neighbourhood.
Indeed, Delhi is quite green for a tightly packed metropolis. According to the biennial India State of Forest Report (ISFR)-2021 released last week, Delhi’s green cover increased by 17.56 sq km in two years. At 342 sq km (195 sq km of forest cover and 147 sq km of tree cover), Delhi’s green cover is now 23.06% of the city’s area. Since 2019, the city’s forest cover shrunk by 0.44 sq km due to the cutting of trees for construction, while plantation drives added 18 sq km to its tree cover.
Eco-disparity
Though data on district-wise tree cover — mostly lining streets and in parks — is not available, the distribution of forest cover, which includes the alien and invasive vilayati kikar in the ridge and any area greater than one hectare with 10% canopy density, points to spatial inequity. The “forests” covering 13.15% of the capital are mainly concentrated in New Delhi (47.06%), South Delhi (34.27%) and Central Delhi (23.86%).
Significantly, while Delhi’s total green cover is 342 sq km, the area under parks is merely 81.28 sq km. The baseline analysis for the draft Master Plan for Delhi-2041 (MPD) states that in all districts except New Delhi, the per capita park space is less than 9.5 sq m, which is the World Health Organization (WHO)-recommended benchmark for per capita green space in urban settings.
The analysis by the National Institute of Urban Affairs (NIUA), a think tank on urban planning that Delhi Development Authority partnered with to draft MPD-41, explains that in the context of urban settings, the green space as mentioned in the WHO benchmark refers to “accessible” greens that people can visit freely, adding that while most of the greens in Delhi are technically accessible, citizens mostly access parks, biodiversity parks and gardens.
The remaining greens in the forests are perhaps semi-accessible and don’t get many visitors, except for a few exceptions such as Sanjay Van, the report states. “These areas (the forest) no doubt contribute to the physical health of the city (by mitigating pollution and preventing warming) but do not really make a significant contribution to the mental health of the city (by providing an avenue for people to convene and socialise).”
Using the 2011 population census and data provided by Delhi parks and garden society till 2018 and the forest department till 2019, the analysis shows that even if the per capita total greens, which includes green cover and parks, is taken into account, districts of North East, East and West Delhi fall short of the 9.5 sq m benchmark.
While New Delhi boasts 262.74 sq m per capita green, North East Delhi makes do with per capita green of only 3.22 sq m. Similarly, the South district enjoys 42.98 sq m of green space per person, while East Delhi’s share is a modest 8.31 sq m and West Delhi’s just 7.7 sq m.
Too dense to green
The master plan of Delhi provisions for open spaces and parks in a clear hierarchy of size and population they cater to. It starts with city-level parks, going down to districts, communities and neighbourhoods. Consequently, Delhi has got around 18,000 parks and gardens spread across 81 sq km in the planned parts of the city.
But a large part of the national capital has grown outside the ambit of master planning. The unplanned unauthorised colonies, housing an estimated four million people, were built in violation of zoning regulations, mostly on land meant for agricultural use. Exempt from municipal bylaws, urban villages are now equally dense, chaotic and in poor form.
These tightly packed buildings block sunlight and air from coming into the homes. Their occupants are also more exposed to air pollution, heat stress, flooding and all the malaises poor city planning and management bring.
It is common knowledge that greenery mitigates air pollution, absorbs stormwater run-offs locally, has a cooling effect and is important for mental health and social cohesion. Outdoors are the only safe spaces for recreation, physical exercise and socialising during this pandemic. But a park, or even a tree, is a luxury in most of these underserved neighbourhoods.
Out of the 64 municipal wards under East Delhi Municipal Corporation (EDMC), which includes some of the densest residential pockets of the city, 15 wards either don’t have a park or have very few.
While land remains the biggest constraint, experts and officials agree that solutions — both big and small interventions — can be found by taking an innovative approach. EDMC, for example, experimented with placemaking by converting a discarded truck into a mobile play space stationed in underserved neighbourhoods. The recently pedestrianised 1.3-km stretch of Chandni Chowk is gradually being reclaimed by residents of the congested bylanes of old Delhi for strolling, cycling and some free play. Some Gram Sabha (village commons) land has been utilised by South Delhi Municipal Corporation for creating parks with playgrounds and open gyms.
SDMC is also filling up mining pits at Tajpur Pahadi with inert waste from the Okhla landfill to create a 10-acre park. An 885-acre eco-park is being created at the site where the polluting Badarpur Thermal Power stood. This coal-fired plant was shut down in 2018 and the space is now being greened and is to have provisions for a jungle safari, a golf course, boating facilities, and so on. Repurposing wastelands such as closed landfills, ash dykes, abandoned quarries and mines after treating toxicity and unstable nature of the soil is also a suggested strategy in MPD-41 for creating green and blue assets.
Mapping greens and browns
Since no serious efforts at reasonably democratising green spaces across Delhi can be made without proper ground-truthing, the Delhi Parks and Gardens Society (DPGS) is in the process of collecting GIS coordinates of all community parks from municipal agencies, DDA and DUSIB, and mapping them.
“While mapping water bodies of Delhi, we saw huge patches of brown, especially in the north and western parts of the city. As the Wetland Authority doesn’t have the mandate to look into the problem of green space inequity, we decided to address the issue through the parks and gardens society, which is a more appropriate institution to look into the problem,” says K S Jayachandran, chief executive officer, DPGS, and member secretary of the Wetland Authority of Delhi.
While identifying green deficient neighbourhoods across Delhi, DPGS also aims to create a community access index, which would be a first for Delhi.
“We will give priority to deficient areas and will be happy to offer financial assistance to institutions that can identify government land and get a no-objection certificate from the land-owning agency to develop green spaces in these neighbourhoods," he says.
The society gives ₹2.55 lakh per acre annually to resident bodies and NGOs to maintain parks, and additionally R 1 lakh per acre to create new parks.
Bridging green gaps
Once we identify the spatial disparities in the distribution of green and open spaces, how do we bridge the gaps? Experts have wide-ranging suggestions.
Meenakshi Dhote, professor of environmental planning at the School of Planning and Architecture, says it is important to protect the existing spaces and then find new avenues for greening. “Areas with very small per capita open space should be marked as areas of concern and strategies should be devised to protect them. At any cost, no open space here should be taken over by development activity. They should be protected.”
Environmental activist Diwan Singh insists on a moratorium on all new development till the greening requirement of deficient areas is met: “After surveying and identifying all such areas, including unauthorised colonies and villages that are short of green spaces, we must immediately halt all building developments here and conserve any open space still left in that colony or nearby.”
Others say that redevelopment is the way forward to overcome land constraints in dense neighbourhoods.
“Since most of the green-deficient areas are already built up, it is difficult to provide for parks. So, whenever these areas come up for redevelopment, and they will soon because many of them are in poor condition, we should factor in green space,” says Victor Shinde, who leads the water and environment division at NIUA and was involved in the baseline analysis for draft MPD-41.
Under composite redevelopment projects, whether in unauthorised colonies or in planned neighbourhoods, property owners can be offered a higher Floor Area Ratio if they go for group housing, adds DDA’s former planning commissioner A K Jain. “One-third of the space can be kept as private green, parking and other common facilities. This space will remain with the owners but give some breathing space to the neighbourhood. Composite redevelopment will also address the critical concern of structural safety of buildings.”
Reimagining existing areas is integral to modern city planning. But to roll out any redevelopment plan, mechanisms have to be detailed out and responsibilities have to be fixed. A DDA official said that the existing master plan (2021) spelt out a simple redevelopment strategy, which was never followed up by detailed regulations, but MPD-41, which is the process of being finalised, will give specifics for regeneration in different types of existing developments such as unauthorised colonies, slums, regular plotted areas and also the new Transit Oriented Development nodes. One of the mandatory conditions would be to leave a certain percentage of land open.
The draft MPD-41 acknowledges that the distribution of green assets is uneven across Delhi, resulting in inequitable access in different areas and that greenfield, as well as brownfield areas, must factor in open spaces. It calls for repurposing of grounds within schools or other public institutions as community parks after school hours, earmarking land or retrofitting existing parks to create all-abilities parks, promoting privately-owned public spaces, creating greenways along natural drains, and using underutilised sites and wastelands, wherever feasible, as green-blue assets
Tapping nature
Reclaiming natural spaces in the degraded parts of Delhi has been best demonstrated in the seven DDA biodiversity parks of the city. The development of these parks has been a welcome break from the earlier efforts to turn any open space into a manicured garden.
The purpose of the biodiversity parks is conservation, education and recreation, says Fayaz Khudsar, scientist-in-charge of biodiversity parks. The parks serve that purpose by catering to residents of some of the most densely populated neighbourhoods in the vicinity.
The Yamuna Biodiversity Park gets 2,000-2,500 visitors every day, mostly from Jagatpur, Wazirabad and Jharoda. The Aravalli Biodiversity Park gets 1,500-2,000 visitors, many of whom come from Vasant Vihar, Vasant Kunj and Vasant Gaon. The Northern Ridge sees a footfall of 3,000-3,500 and the Tughlaqabad park gets 1,000-1,500 visitors every day.
“Biodiversity parks must not be seen as playgrounds but they should be appreciated for the peace and tranquillity they offer. They provide nature-based recreation where local communities come for morning and evening walks, to sit, relax, socialise and enjoy the biodiversity,” Khudsar says.
As a way forward for the city, he suggests “scientifically restoring” the Yamuna riverfront as a biodiversity habitat, which would not only benefit the riverine ecology but also the public and act as a natural defence against air pollution, water stress and rising heat waves.
DDA is working on making the Yamuna riverfront accessible to the public by making cycling tracks, walkways, eco-trails to wetlands and a forest along the 22 km stretch of the floodplain. However, such restoration work must respect the natural ecology and should avoid concretising floodplain areas or converting riverfronts to manicured gardens.
“We have a good model in the Yamuna Biodiversity Park and even the National Green Tribunal has endorsed it as a template for floodplain restoration and river rejuvenation,” assures Khudsar.
Similarly, Delhi’s water bodies, many of which have been sacrificed to garbage dumping and development, can be restored to their natural functionality. The wetland authority has geo-tagged 1,043 water bodies with a unique identification number. If notified, they will not only get legal protection but also help authorities seek government funds for restoration.
Many of these water bodies are situated in Delhi villages. “Considering the density of population, these will not only serve as the green lung but the open spaces around them can be reclaimed as recreational places as they traditionally used to be,” says Dhote.
Maintaining the ecological balance in creating any green space is important. Apart from play spaces, parks should retain woodlands to conserve local ecology. This will help in mitigating air pollution and also offer therapeutic benefits to the local community, says Diwan Singh.
Finding opportunities
Experts say local settings and context is important while finding solutions to the inequitable distribution of green spaces in the city. Dhote suggests finding incidental open spaces offered by the diversity of Delhi’s “built fabric” and “treating them with more respect”.
There are numerous examples from cities across the world to show that often unnoticed or neglected open spaces could be reclaimed as recreational facilities without requiring big makeover budgets.
In Beijing, the 15th century Temple of Heaven, a World Heritage site, is now also a bustling playground and recreational space. A part of its large green space has been set aside for people to exercise. New York City’s High Line, an elevated railroad built in the 1930s to feed warehouses in the meat-packing district, went out of use by 1980. It was all set to be demolished in 2001 when local community groups convinced authorities to turn it into a linear park, which now stands 25 feet above the ground.
In Delhi, recent interventions such as the “waste to art” parks at Sarai Kale Khan and Punjabi Bagh are attracting good footfalls. Enthused by the ticket collections, the municipalities have three more in the offing.
But to truly democratise access to green outdoors, we also need to think micro and local, and make the most of every redevelopment opportunity in the densest quarters. Meanwhile, let government policies and voices of the people agree that no open space, however small, can be expendable in Delhi.
Shivani Singh is HT's metro editor. Metro Matters, a fortnightly, gives readers a flavour of Delhi in all its complexity.
After many decades of hoping to avoid a rivalrous relationship with China, both the United States (US) and India now recognise China as their top security threat. This shared assessment is encouraging — but recognising the peril is only the beginning. China is so large, powerful, and ambitious that only a coherent, clear-eyed strategy will prevent Beijing from dominating Asia, to the detriment of India, the US, and many others. The question, though, is what that strategy is, and how India and the US, as the two largest powers in the Indo-Pacific, other than China itself, can best put it into effect.
Fundamental to resisting Beijing’s domination is an anti-hegemonic coalition — a grouping of states opposed to China’s hegemony that is strong and cohesive enough to frustrate Beijing’s ambitions. This coalition can incorporate both informal and formal links; there is no need for an Asian NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization). It is only necessary that those countries that oppose Beijing’s regional hegemony work together well enough to deny it. Fortunately, such a coalition already appears to be forming through mechanisms like Quad, AUKUS, and strengthening Japanese-Australian ties.
Getting the military element of this informal coalition right is vital, and here the situation is immediate and grave. China has developed a world-class military designed for power projection, not just defence, and Beijing is willing to use it assertively — as made very clear in Ladakh in 2020.
The most acute danger is that China will use its military strength to collapse this coalition, especially as it sees in places like India and Australia, the limits of its economic leverage. Recognising this, Beijing might try to target one or a few coalition states with its armed might to undermine confidence in the coalition’s strength or will to defend its members. If Beijing were to succeed in bringing enough coalition countries to heel, other states in the coalition might, seeing it as a hollow shell, cut deals with Beijing rather than face its focused ire. If enough do so, it could weaken the coalition and strengthen Beijing’s own enough to allow China to isolate the remaining Asian states and achieve its hegemonic aims — without a major war.
Frustrating this strategy requires a counter-strategy of denial. In brief, if coalition countries know they will receive sufficient aid to prevent Beijing from subordinating them, then they are far more likely to stand up to China. Moreover, Beijing will very likely need to directly attack and impose its will on a coalition state to convince it to give up core goods of independence and autonomy. In light of this, the coalition must, at a minimum, deny Beijing the ability to seize and hold the key territory of a targeted member-state, and more broadly, enable it to stand up to any such Chinese demands to disaffiliate from the coalition and thereby fall under Beijing’s sway.
This is a reasonable and defensive but — given Beijing’s enormous and growing strength — demanding political-military goal.
The question, then, is how the coalition should array its efforts to achieve this goal. First off, the coalition must ensure it is strong enough. This means including enough countries to outweigh Beijing’s own pro-hegemonic grouping, which could include countries like Pakistan and Cambodia. The anti-hegemonic coalition should be very ecumenical, admitting essentially all who oppose Beijing’s ambitions, regardless of their political, ethnic, or confessional complexion. Natural members include India, the US, Japan, Australia, Vietnam, Taiwan, and South Korea, but others may fit the bill too, especially if and as China becomes more powerful or menacing.
At the same time, the coalition must be judicious in the allocation of its pledges and strength. Many countries exposed to mighty China, including US allies in the region and Taiwan, need assurance they will be effectively defended to hold firm. Washington’s credibility, in particular, is thus a precious asset which must be husbanded judiciously.
In light of this, the coalition should operate by focusing its members’ efforts where their interests are most engaged, their resolve is highest, and their strength is greatest. The coalition should not pretend its members’ interests are fully aligned, that they are “all for one, one for all”. Rather, it should seek to work with and leverage States’ efforts where they are most willing and able to stand up to China’s hegemonic aims – the purpose and thus the glue of the coalition. India and Vietnam, for instance, should not be expected to come to, say, Japan’s defence. Rather, they should be encouraged and enabled to defend themselves against China, while Washington and Tokyo focus on the defence of Japan.
In this context, Washington must concentrate its own military efforts on the defence of the first island chain countries, especially Taiwan. It is here that Beijing is making its primary military and geopolitical effort. If Beijing can split off or subordinate the first island chain countries, it will gain a commanding position in Asia’s economic and strategic centre of gravity, securing a dominant position there and almost certainly also in Southeast Asia. By contrast, if China’s military dominance is checked within the first island chain, to include Taiwan, it will be contained there and Beijing will be forced to negotiate the terms of its continued rise rather than dictate them. As a result, Washington will need to draw down its military engagements and commitments in other theatres.
India, meanwhile, is naturally focused on South Asia and the Indian Ocean area. India faces China directly along its long land border and must address Beijing’s attempts to gain predominance among the smaller nations of the region, while also needing to deal with Pakistan. In light of these multiple serious challenges, New Delhi is unlikely to have the will or capacity to project significant force to, say, the Western Pacific.
Fortunately, though, this leaves a natural arrangement between the two primary military powers in the anti-hegemonic coalition: A division of labour model. Washington along with Tokyo, Canberra, and others would assume responsibility for checking Beijing’s domineering ambitions along the first island chain. New Delhi, meantime, would take the lead in resisting China’s attempt to dominate South Asia and the Indian Ocean region.
In this model, Washington would take a supporting role in the greater South Asian region, backing India’s position in the region and strengthening its hand to stand up to China and handle other threats, including Pakistan. This would mean facilitating arms and technology transfers to India, while removing obstacles like sanctions.
Interoperability might be useful in parts, but the idea would be to strengthen India’s hand to operate under its own steam. For India, the approach would concentrate its strategic efforts where its interests are most engaged and its capabilities most relevant. Indeed, it would not really ask India to do other than advance its own interests more effectively in its own region. For the US, meantime, the approach would allow it to concentrate on what for Washington must be the primary theatre: the Western Pacific.
This approach makes a virtue out of necessity. China poses too great of a challenge for unnecessary redundancy or unrealistic ideas of perfect alignment of interests. A division of labour model would be more realistic — and thus effective. India and America should embrace it.
Elbridge Colby is the author of The Strategy of Denial: American Defense in an Age of Great Power Conflict (Yale University Press, 2021). As US deputy assistant secretary of defense in 2017-2018, he served as the lead official in the development of the 2018 U.S. National Defense Strategy
The views expressed are personal
Agriculture is in a crisis in Punjab, Haryana, and western Uttar Pradesh. The land of the Green Revolution appears enfeebled. Chemicals have annihilated the natural nutrients of the soil. The aquifers are emaciated. Productivity is dipping.
But one cannot only blame the farmers for that. They were doing what the nation needed them to do: Be self-sufficient in food grains. Within a few decades of the Green Revolution, the farmers ensured that the nation was not just self-sufficient but also had a surplus in cereal production. This helped build huge buffer stocks, which helped the administration feed the poor through the public distribution system (PDS).
Both the nation and the farmers benefited in the process. The farmers improved their lives; the nation amassed so much food that it started exporting grains.
At the root of the distrust between some farm groups and the government is the question: Has the nation benefited more from farmers or the reverse? The government believes the farmers have benefited more. The nation subsidised their irrigation, electricity, fertilisers, and equipment. They received high returns on rice and wheat based on a minimum support price (MSP) regime that was revised year after year.
But, that is a blinkered view. Successive government policies encouraged the overproduction of rice and wheat by the farmers of Punjab, Haryana, and western Uttar Pradesh. Like the rest of us, the farmers wanted to make good money, and they did so by growing rice and wheat because the administration fixed an MSP, and procured their stock regularly. They could have grown anything, provided it fetched them good returns. Therefore, the solution lies in moving farmers away from grains.
The farmers of Punjab, Haryana and western UP were not overproducing rice and wheat before the Green Revolution. In 1960-61, only 30% of the gross cropped area in Punjab was under rice and wheat. In 2018-19, this stood at 85%, and is killing the fields in Punjab. The farmer is seeing the degeneration of his main resource and is desperate to get out of rice and wheat to ensure its regeneration. And, they are seeking the government’s help. They want to diversify.
But they cannot do so on their own. They are not in a position to decide to reduce the share of rice and wheat in their fields, and increase the share of other crops. There are risks. Market prices are not under their control. They may suffer losses.
It is here that the farmers hope the government will step in, to cover the risks of price fluctuations by fixing a legally guaranteed MSP for 23 crops. This means a reserve price, which, not only the government, but private buyers, have to pay the farmers. The farmers are not asking the government to procure all the produce of all the 23 crops. They are asking it to fix the floor price.
Take pulses, for instance. In the past, the nation had to import a significant quantity of pulses to meet domestic demand. Over the past several years, domestic pulse production has reached a level that the country may achieve self-sufficiency in a year or two. This happened because more and more farmers started growing pulses. And they did this because the government provided them support with a minimum price and procurement.
In the popular imagination, sarson da saag (a dish comprising mustard with greens) is a prominent feature of the Punjabi cultural persona. Regrettably today, sarson (mustard) remains insignificant there. The area under mustard cultivation has been shrinking in the state. Not just mustard, but other oilseeds too. In 1967-68, the total area under oilseeds in Punjab was about four lakh hectares. In 2019-20, it had fallen to 49,000 hectares — just 12% of what it was before the Green Revolution.
The nation imports much of its edible oils. If farmers can be encouraged to grow more oilseeds, the nation can also be self-sufficient in edible oils.
The farmers’ movement has provided the government with a golden opportunity to move them away from rice and wheat to pulses, oilseeds, and other crops. It must seize it.
Arun Sinha is an independent journalist and author
The views expressed are personal
The third wave of the Covid-19 pandemic brings into focus yet again the long road ahead before things get back to normal. Many areas remain where medical and social aid has not been optimum, especially for the urban poor. In this context, the incredible coordinated community response in some parts of Bengaluru that house the city’s urban poor should be adopted as a template for other metros and towns. The unique strength of this effort has been the tremendous work put in by women workers.
The Bengaluru Covid Response has brought together various stakeholders including the Azim Premji Foundation (APF) and civil society organisation (CSO) partners such as ActionAid, Centre for Advocacy and Research (CFAR), Mercy Mission, along with the state health department and the Bengaluru Bruhat Mahanagara Palike. In total, there are 23 non-governmental organisation (NGO) partners. This integrated response knits together the distinct but interrelated processes in a seamless continuum.
It was this integration that ensured a rapid response intervention was framed to protect the most vulnerable groups and communities living in the slums of Bengaluru — one million people in 600 slums — from contracting the virus and, if they did, from then transmitting it. This includes spreading authentic information, conducting 100% household surveys, providing support to outreach workers, strengthening the public health systems and teams, setting up testing camps close to the slums, installing machines to expedite testing, enforcing quarantine strictly, improving sanitisation, managing affected persons, and stopping acts of stigma and discrimination.
Hyma Vadlami, head of the Azim Premji Foundation’s work in the slums of Bengaluru says, “The pandemic exposed the stark reality of the invisibilisation of the urban poor, no one knew how many were there, but we did know that public health systems were so sparse that they did not have easy access to them. We also picked up the thread of movement of migrants as they came and left the city. Some of them got their first vaccine in their native states, and some did not have the necessary documentation for the second dose. We were able to deal with these problems effectively.”
Taking this forward, Akhila Sivadas, executive director of CFAR says, “Together we are ensuring that help-desk teams acting as the front-end of the operation are supported by effective and 24x7 backend help in terms of protection kits, training, data-based planning, quality and timely support from the health system, and last but not the least, daily and weekly reviews of what more support the community and the teams on the ground need.”
Women help-desk workers in the initiative like Shobhana and Bharathi say that among the urban poor, many had not been vaccinated at all or had only got one jab. The reasons were: Chronic illness; fear; mental health problems or addictions; lack of awareness of the importance of the vaccine in ending the pandemic; and hesitancy from pregnant mothers. They just needed a push, the women workers say.
The Omicron wave cannot be taken lightly. People have also become complacent. The involvement of the community in this women-driven initiative has made all the difference and brought into focus the problems that the urban poor face in accessing health care. This holds out hope that this wave can be overcome by community efforts, so that we emerge from this in better shape than from the last two waves.
lalita.panicker@hindustantimes.com
The views expressed are personal
The peril of power is often the verdict of history. Even the most famous can be felled by the judgment of their biographers. That’s certainly one of the outcomes of Sagarika Ghose’s biography of Atal Bihari Vajpayee. No doubt there’s praise and adulation, but what stands out is the criticism.
“There was little that was straight about Vajpayee”, Ghose writes. “One day a moderate, the next day sounding like a hardliner, one day arguing for pluralism, the next day harking to Hindu sentiments.”
She suggests ambition made Vajpayee an opportunist. “He knew… when to be visible and when not to be, and how to stand out as the Hindutva dove amongst the hawks.” He was, therefore, “Vajpayee the supreme tactician, Vajpayee the ruthless politician with an unerring instinct about which way the mood was swinging and what the ‘mahaul’[atmosphere] was.” Ghose adds that Vajpayee was the master of equivocation, but you don’t get the feeling this is written with admiration. “In ambiguity and double-speak lay Vajpayee’s claim to liberalness.”
When the Ram Mandir campaign was gathering momentum, she calls him “the disingenuous artist of double-speak”. Though a critic, “Vajpayee was canny enough to realize the direction of the wind within his party.” So he played it both ways. On the one hand, “he would make an incendiary speech or two” but on the other “a wily sixth sense told him to stay away when the fire truly began to burn”.
Of his speech on December 5, 1992, the night before the Masjid fell, when he played semantic tricks with the Supreme Court’s ruling against the kar seva, she writes “it was… replete with double meanings, hidden layers and sneaky allusions.”
However, it’s when Ghose writes about Vajpayee’s response as prime minister to the Gujarat massacre of 2002, that her verdict is most damning — but perhaps most truthful too. “Vajpayee made double-edged statements” she begins. “He declared that the events in Gujarat had brought shame to the entire nation but also castigated the media for showing ‘exaggerated’ images of the carnage and for misquoting him.”
She writes, Vajpayee wanted Narendra Modi’s resignation, but when the party’s mood was against it, he caved in. Then, “in an astonishing volte face”, he made a speech blaming Muslims for what had happened.
This was the lowest point in Vajpayee’s premiership, both politically and morally. “On the Gujarat riots he never took a clear or hard stand”, Ghose comments. “Appallingly, on Gujarat, Vajpayee the calculating politician prevailed over Vajpayee the constitutional moralist.”
Of the remaining two years of his term, Ghose says, “he was too weak, too fixated on staying in power and by now too ill and tired to openly challenge Modi or stop his party’s turn once again towards destructive Hindutva.” In other words, he did not like the direction the party was heading in, but rather than oppose this, found a convenient way to quietly accept.
This is clearly not how Vajpayee’s party remembers him, and it will be disillusioning for many of his admirers who loved the man while not fully understanding the politician. Ghose suggests the politician determined what sort of man Vajpayee was. It seems that also defined his character.
If this is her conclusion — and it’s hard to believe it’s not — it conveys both a lacerating critique, but also a tiny element of respect: “All through his life, Vajpayee… lacked the strength of character to act against wrong but still had the sensitivity to be ashamed about his own failings.”
Now, if Ghose is right, does it mean Vajpayee couldn’t have been happy with himself? When you know you’re erring but can’t stop yourself, you’re torn between two sides of your personality. In Vajpayee’s case, that was his conscience and his ambition. But I doubt if that troubled him.
I suspect a different truth applies to men and women who rise to the top. Ambition pushes aside moral concerns. If you achieve success, the shortcuts that made it possible rarely matter.
Karan Thapar is the author of Devil’s Advocate: The Untold Story
The views expressed are personal