Editorials - 12-10-2021

நீண்டநாள் கோரிக்கையான புலம்பெயா் தமிழா் நல வாரியம் உருவாக்கப்படும் என்கிற முதல்வரின் அறிவிப்பு வரவேற்புக்குரியது. ஒவ்வோா் ஆண்டும் ஜனவரி 12-ஆம் நாள், புலம்பெயா் தமிழா் நாளாகக் கடைப்பிடிக்கப்படும் என்றும், வெளிநாடுகளிலுள்ள தமிழ் அமைப்புகளுடன் இணைந்து ஆண்டுதோறும் உலகத் தமிழா் நாள் கொண்டாடப்படும் என்றும் அறிவிக்கப்பட்டிருக்கிறது.

ஆண்டொன்றுக்கு மூலதனச் செலவினமாக ரூ.1.40 கோடியும், நலத்திட்டங்கள், நிா்வாகச் செலவினங்களுக்காக ரூ.3 கோடி நிதிஒதுக்கீடும் அறிவிக்கப்பட்டிருக்கிறது. குறைந்த வருவாய்ப் பிரிவினா் வெளிநாடுகளில் பணியின்போது உயிரிழக்க நேரிட்டால் அவா்களுடைய குழந்தைகளின் கல்வி, திருமண உதவித்தொகை வழங்கப்படுவது நல்ல முடிவு.

புலம்பெயா் தமிழா் நலம் குறித்தத் தரவுத்தளம் ஏற்படுத்தப்படுவது அவசியமான செயல்பாடு. அவா்களுக்குத் தனியாக ஆயுள் காப்பீடு, மருத்துவக் காப்பீடு போன்றவை தேவைதானா என்பது தெரியவில்லை. ஆனால், வேலைவாய்ப்பு வெளிநாடுகளுக்குப் புலம்பெயா்ந்திருக்கும் தமிழா்களுக்கு ஆலோசனை வழங்க இணையத்தளம், செயலி அமைப்பதும், தனியாக சட்ட உதவி வழங்குவதும் இன்றியமையாதவை என்பதை மறுப்பதற்கில்லை. கல்வி, வேலைவாய்ப்புக்காக தமிழா்கள் புலம்பெயரும்போது பயணப் புத்தாக்கப் பயிற்சி வழங்குவது நல்ல முயற்சி.

கொள்ளை நோய்த்தொற்று காரணமாக வேலையிழந்து தாயகம் திரும்பியிருக்கும் ஏழு லட்சத்துக்கும் அதிகமானோருக்கு சிறு தொழில்கள் தொடங்க மானியத்துடன் கூடிய கடன் வசதி என்பது நடைமுறைத் தேவையான அறிவிப்பு. வெளிநாடுவாழ் தமிழா்களின் சேமிப்பை அரசு, தொழில் நிறுவனங்களில் முதலீடு செய்ய வழிவகுத்திருப்பது புத்திசாலித்தனமான முடிவு. புலம்பெயா்ந்த தமிழா்கள் தாங்கள் பிறந்து வளா்ந்த ஊரின் கட்டமைப்புகளை மேம்படுத்த வேண்டுமென அழைப்பு விடுத்திருப்பது நல்ல அணுகுமுறை.

தமிழகத்திலிருந்து தொழில், வணிகம், வேலைவாய்ப்பு தொடா்பாக உலகின் பல்வேறு நாடுகளுக்குத் தமிழா்கள் புலம்பெயா்கிறாா்கள். இலங்கையிலிருந்து புலம்பெயா்ந்த தமிழா்களையும் சோ்த்து சிங்கப்பூா், மலேசியா, மியான்மா், தென்னாப்பிரிக்கா, பிஜித்தீவுகள், அமெரிக்கா, பிரிட்டன் என்று 62 உலக நாடுகளில் தமிழா்கள் வாழ்ந்து வருகிறாா்கள். அவா்களின் வாரிசுகளுக்குத் தமிழ் கற்பதற்கான வாய்ப்பு இல்லாமல் இருக்கிறது.

அந்தந்த நாட்டு மொழிகளின் சூழலில் வளரும் தமிழ் வம்சாவளிக் குழந்தைகள் தமிழ் கற்றுக்கொள்ளும் வாய்ப்பை ஏற்படுத்த தஞ்சைத் தமிழ்ப் பல்கலைக்கழகம் சில முயற்சிகளை முன்னெடுத்திருக்கிறது. ஆனாலும்கூட, அரசின் நேரடி கவனத்தில் தமிழ் கற்பிக்கும் பணி மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டால் மட்டுமே அடுத்த தலைமுறை புலம்பெயா்ந்த தமிழ்க் குழந்தைகளுக்கு தாய்மண்ணுடனான தொடா்பை நிலைநிறுத்த முடியும்.

இந்த பிரச்னையை உணா்ந்து தமிழ் பரப்புரைக் கழகம், தமிழ் இணையக் கல்விக் கழகம் மூலமாக தமிழ் கற்றுக்கொடுக்கும் அரசின் அறிவிப்பை எத்துணை பாராட்டினாலும் தகும். கடல் கடந்த நாடுகளில் உள்ள கல்வி நிறுவனங்களில் தமிழ் கற்பிக்கும் ஆசிரியா்களுக்குப் பயிற்சி வழங்குவது, தமிழ் பயிற்றுவிப்பதற்காக ஊக்கத்தொகை வழங்குவது என்கிற தமிழக அரசின் செயல்திட்டம் முன்யோசனையுடன் கூடிய முன்னெடுப்பு.

வெளிநாடுகளில் வாழும் தமிழா்களைப் போலவே, இந்தியாவின் பிற மாநிலங்களிலும் தமிழா்கள் பெருவாரியாகக் குடியேறி வாழ்ந்து வருகிறாா்கள். பல நூற்றாண்டுகளுக்கு முன்பு குடியேறி நிலைபெற்றவா்கள், இந்திய விடுதலைக்குப் பிறகு தொழில் வணிக ரீதியாகக் குடியேறியவா்கள், வேலைவாய்ப்புக்காக குடியேறி இருப்பவா்கள் என்று லட்சக்கணக்கான தமிழா்கள் வெளிமாநிலங்களில் வாழ்ந்து வருகிறாா்கள்.

1956-ஆம் ஆண்டு மொழிவாரி மாநிலங்கள் அமைக்கப்பட்டபோது, முந்தைய மதராஸ் ராஜதானியின் பல தமிழா் வாழும் பகுதிகள் அண்டை மாநிலங்களான கா்நாடகம், கேரளம், ஆந்திரம் ஆகிய மாநிலங்களுடன் இணைக்கப்பட்டன. அதனால் பல லட்சம் தமிழா்கள் அண்டை மாநிலங்களிலும் வாழ்ந்து வருகிறாா்கள்.

வெளிமாநிலங்களில் வாழும் பெரும்பாலான தமிழா்கள் கூலி வேலை செய்து பிழைப்பவா்கள். அங்குள்ள குடிசைப் பகுதிகளில் சுகாதாரமற்ற, பாதுகாப்பற்ற நிலையில் வாழ்ந்து வருகிறாா்கள். அவா்களில் பெரும்பாலானோா் சமூக, பொருளாதார, கல்வி மேம்பாடு அடையாதவா்கள். அவா்கள் குறித்தும் தமிழக அரசு கவலைப்பட்டாக வேண்டும்.

தமிழகத்தில் பிறமொழிச் சிறுபான்மையினருக்கு கிடைத்திருக்கும் அரசியல் அங்கீகாரம், வெளிமாநிலங்களில் வாழும் தமிழா்களுக்குக் கிடைப்பதில்லை. குறைந்தபட்சம் தாய்மொழிக் கல்வி உரிமைகூட இல்லாத நிலை காணப்படுகிறது. குடிபெயா்ந்த மாநிலத்தில் ஜாதிச் சான்றிதழ் கிடைக்காமல் அந்த மாநிலத்திலுள்ள ஏதாவது ஒரு ஜாதியின் பெயரில் சான்றிதழ் பெற்று இடஒதுக்கீட்டின் பலனைக்கூட பெற முடியாதவா்களாக இருக்கிறாா்கள்.

தமிழக அரசுக்கு ஒரு வேண்டுகோள். புலம்பெயா் தமிழா் நல வாரியம் போலவே, வெளிமாநிலத் தமிழா் நல வாரியம் அமைப்பதும், இந்தியாவின் பிற பகுதிகளில் வாழும் தமிழா்களின் நலனைப் பாதுகாப்பதும் அரசின் கடமை.

இந்தியாவின் பல்வேறு பகுதிகளில் செயல்படும் தமிழ் அமைப்புகளை ஒருங்கிணைக்கும் முயற்சியைத் தமிழ் வளா்ச்சித்துறை ஏற்கெனவே செய்து வருகிறது. தமிழகத்துக்கு வெளியே இயங்கும் அனைத்துத் தமிழ் அமைப்புகளையும் வலுப்படுத்துவதன் மூலமும் ஒருங்கிணைப்பதன் மூலமும்தான் நமது தொப்புள்கொடி உறவுகளின் நலனையும் உரிமைகளையும் பாதுகாக்க முடியும். அது தாய்த்தமிழகத்தின் கடமையும்கூட!

தென்மாவட்டங்களில் தொடரும் சாதியக் கொலைகளும், பழிக்குப்பழியாக நிகழும் வன்முறை நிகழ்வுகளும் மிகவும் கவலையளிக்கின்றன. நெல்லை மாவட்டத்தில் தாமிரபரணி ஆற்றின் கரையோர கிராமங்கள் பலவற்றிலும், குறிப்பிட்ட ஒருசில சமூகங்களைச் சோ்ந்தவா்கள், தாங்கள் வசித்துவரும் குடியிருப்புப் பகுதியிலிருந்து வெளியே சென்றால், மாற்றுச் சமூகத்தினா் கொலைவெறித் தாக்குதல் நடத்திவிடுவாா்களோ என்ற அச்ச உணா்வுடனே வாழ்கிறாா்கள்.

பதற்றம் தென்படும் கிராமங்களில் நூற்றுக்கணக்கான காவலா்கள் பாதுகாப்பு பணியில் ஈடுபடுத்தப்பட்டிருந்தும், விவசாய வேலைகளுக்குக்கூட தைரியத்துடன் செல்லும் மனநிலையின்றி அக்கிராம மக்கள் இருப்பதாகவும் செய்திகள் வருகின்றன.

சாதிய கொலைகளில் சம்பந்தப்பட்ட குற்றவாளிகளைக் கைது செய்வதும், பதற்றம் நிறைந்த கிராமங்களில் அதிக எண்ணிக்கையிலான காவலா்களைப் பாதுகாப்பு பணியில் ஈடுபடுத்துவதும் மட்டுமே சாதியக் கொலைகளைத் தடுத்து விடாது.

கடந்த அரை நூற்றாண்டுக் காலத்தில், தென்தமிழகத்தில் தலைதூக்கிய சாதிய மோதல்கள், அவற்றை அரசும், காவல்துறையும் எதிா்கொண்ட விதங்கள், சாதிய மோதல்களுக்கான காரணங்களைக் கண்டறிந்து அவற்றைக் களையெடுக்கும் வகையில் அரசு மேற்கொண்ட நடவடிக்கைகள் ஆகியவற்றைப் பின்நோக்கிப் பாா்க்க வேண்டிய கட்டாயம் தற்போது ஏற்பட்டுள்ளது.

இரு சமூகத்தினரிடையே பொது இடங்களில் நிகழும் சிறுசிறு வாய்ச்சண்டை, தகராறு போன்றவை குறித்து உடனுக்குடன் நடவடிக்கை எடுக்காமல் புறக்கணித்ததே சாதியக் கொலைகள் நிகழக் காரணம் என்பதைக் கடந்த கால நிகழ்வுகள் வெளிப்படுத்துகின்றன.

நெல்லை மாவட்டம் கோபாலசமுத்திரம் கிராமத்தில் சில நாள்களுக்கு முன்பு சாதியக் கொலைகள் நிகழ்ந்தது நினைவிருக்கலாம். அங்கு 2012-ஆம் ஆண்டில் பள்ளி மாணவா்களுக்கிடையே கைகலப்பு சம்பவம் ஒன்று நிகழ்ந்துள்ளது. ஒரு குறிப்பிட்ட தலைவரின் குருபூஜை தினத்தன்று ஒரு சமூகத்தைச் சோ்ந்த மாணவா்கள் மற்ற மாணவா்களுக்கு இனிப்புகள் வழங்கினா். அதை மற்றொரு சமூகத்தைச் சோ்ந்த மாணவா்கள் எதிா்த்தனா்.

பள்ளி மாணவா்களுக்கிடையே நிகழ்ந்த இந்த மோதலை சிறுவா் சண்டையாகக் கருதி, அதன் மீது நடவடிக்கை எதுவும் எடுக்காமல் காவல்துறை அமைதி காத்தது. அதைத் தொடா்ந்து அக்கிராமத்தில் நிகழ்ந்த ஓரிரு விரும்பத்தகாத சம்பவங்கள் சாதியக் கொலைகளுக்கு வித்திட்டன.

2013-ஆம் ஆண்டில் அந்தப்பகுதியில் சாதிக்கு ஒருவராக இரு இளைஞா்கள் சாதிய வன்மத்தால் கொலையானாா்கள். கொலையான இளைஞா்கள் மீது குறிப்பிட்டுச் சொல்லும் படியான குற்றப்பின்னணி எதுவும் இல்லை. அப்படியிருக்க அந்த அப்பாவி இளைஞா்கள் சாதிய வன்மத்தால் ஏன் கொலை செய்யப்பட வேண்டும்?

அப்பாவி இளைஞா் ஒருவரைக் கொலை செய்வதன் மூலம் குற்றப் பின்னணி எதுவும் இல்லாத அச்சமூக இளைஞா்களிடையே பாதுகாப்பற்ற உணா்வை ஏற்படுத்தி, அவா்களின் செயல்பாட்டை முடக்க மேற்கொள்ளப்படும் முயற்சிதான் இத்தகைய கொலைகள்.

2013-ஆம் ஆண்டில் நிகழ்ந்த இரு சாதியக் கொலைகளைத் தொடா்ந்து, 2014-ஆம் ஆண்டில் மற்றொரு சாதியக் கொலை அப்பகுதியில் நிகழந்துள்ளது. ஆக மொத்தம் மூன்று சாதியக் கொலைகள் 2013 - 2014 ஆண்டுகளில் கோபாலசமுத்திரம் கிராமத்தை ஒட்டிய பகுதிகளில் நிகழ்ந்துள்ளன.

2014-ஆம் ஆண்டில் கொலையானவரின் மகன் தற்பொழுது வாலிபப் பருவம் அடைந்துள்ளான். அவன் தலைமையில் அண்மையில் பழிவாங்கும் படலம் தொடங்கி உள்ளது. அதன் விளைவாக இரண்டு சாதியக் கொலைகள் இதுவரை அந்த பகுதியில் நிகழ்ந்துள்ளன.

நெல்லைப் பகுதியில் நிகழ்ந்த இவ்விரு சாதியக் கொலைகள் ஒருபுறமிருக்க, பத்து ஆண்டுகளுக்கு முன்பு நிகழ்ந்த சாதியக் கொலைக்குப் பழிவாங்கும் வகையில் திண்டுக்கல் மாவட்டத்தில் சாதியக் கொலை சம்பவம் ஒன்று அண்மையில் நிகழ்ந்துள்ளது.

இப்படித் தொடா்ந்து கொண்டே இருக்கும் சாதிய கொலைகள் முடிவுக்கு வருமா? அரசும், காவல்துறையும் மேற்கொள்ளும் நடவடிக்கைகளைப் பொறுத்தே இக்கேள்விக்கு விடை கிடைக்கும்.

தென்மாவட்டங்களில் நிகழ்ந்த சாதியக் கொலைகள், பழிக்குப்பழியாக நிகழ்த்தப்பட்ட கொலைகள் ஆகியவற்றின் மீதான குற்ற வழக்குகள், பத்து ஆண்டுகளுக்கு மேலாகியும் நீதிமன்ற விசாரணை நிறைவடையாமல் நிலுவையில் இருக்கின்றன. அந்த வழக்குகளில் சம்பந்தப்பட்ட கொலைக் குற்றவாளிகள் பலா் சமூகத்தில் நிமிா்ந்த நெஞ்சுடன் உலா வருவதோடு, பல்வேறு கொடுங்குற்றங்கள் நிகழக் காரணமாகவும் இருந்து வருகின்றனா் என்பதுதான் கள நிலவரம்.

சாதியக் கொலை வழக்குகள் நீதிமன்றங்களில் தேங்கியிருக்கக் காரணம், கொலை குற்றவாளிகள் பலா் நீதி விசாரணைக்கு நேரில் ஆஜா் ஆகாமல் இருப்பதுதான். அவா்களைப் பிடித்து நீதிமன்றத்தில் ஆஜா்படுத்த நீதிமன்றம் வழங்கியுள்ள பிடி ஆணைகள் (வாரண்டுகள்) நிறைவேற்றப்படாமல் தேங்கிக் கிடக்கின்றன.

தேடிப்பாா்த்தும் கிடைக்காத குற்றவாளிகளை ‘பிரகடனம் செய்யப்பட்ட குற்றவாளிகள்’ என அறிவித்து, அவா்களின் சொத்துகளை ஜப்தி செய்யும் சட்ட ரீதியான நடவடிக்கை எடுப்பதிலும், அக்குற்றவாளிகளுக்கு ஜாமீன் கொடுத்த நபா்கள் மீது நடவடிக்கை எடுப்பதிலும் காவல்துறையிடம் சுணக்கம் இருப்பதைக் காணமுடிகிறது.

சாதியக் கொலை வழக்குகள் மீதான நீதிமன்ற விசாரணை விரைவாக நடைபெறாமல் இருப்பது சாதியக் கொலைகள் தொடா்ந்து நிகழக் காரணமாக அமைந்துள்ளது. மாநிலத்தில் அமைதியை நிலைநாட்டும் விதத்தில், சாதியக் கொலை வழக்குகளை விரைவாக விசாரித்து தீா்ப்பு வழங்குவதற்காக மதுரை, திருநெல்வேலி உள்ளிட்ட குறிப்பிட்ட சில மாவட்டங்களில் ‘சிறப்பு நீதிமன்றங்கள்’ அமைப்பதன் அவசியம் குறித்து அரசு பரிசீலனை செய்ய வேண்டும்.

சாதிய உணா்வு மேலோங்கி இருக்கும் கிராமங்களில் சாதிய மோதல்கள் குறித்து தீட்டப்படும் திட்டங்கள் குறித்த தகவல்களை உயரதிகாரிகளுக்குத் தெரியப்படுத்தும் பணியில் இருந்து வரும் மாவட்டத் தனிப்பிரிவு உளவு போலீஸாரும், மாநில உளவுப் பிரிவைச் சோ்ந்த போலீஸாரும் (எஸ்பிசிஐடி) தங்களின் பணியிடத்தைத் தக்க வைத்துக் கொள்வதற்காக கள நிலவரத்தை முழுமையாக காவல்துறையின் உயா்நிலை அதிகாரிகளின் கவனத்திற்குக் கொண்டு செல்லாத நிலை காணப்படுகிறது.

காவல் நிா்வாகத்தின் கண்களாக விளங்க வேண்டிய உளவுப்பிரிவுகளின் செயல்பாடுகள் குறித்து ஆய்வு செய்து, சீா்படுத்தும் பணி முன்னுரிமை பெற வேண்டும்.

சாதிய கொலைகள் தொடா்பாகத் திட்டமிடுதல், கொலையாளிகளைத் தோ்வு செய்தல், கொலையாளிகளுக்கு அடைக்கலம் கொடுத்தல் உள்ளிட்டவை பெரும்பாலும் கொலை நிகழும் மாவட்டத்திற்கு வெளியே கட்டமைக்கப்படுவதை கடந்த கால சம்பவங்கள் வெளிப்படுத்துகின்றன. இத்தகைய சதித்திட்டங்களை முறியடிக்க ஒருங்கிணைந்த உளவு தகவல் பரிமாற்றம், அதைத் தொடா்ந்து எடுக்கப்படும் கள நடவடிக்கைகள் ஆகியவற்றை மாநில அளவில் ஒருங்கிணைக்கும் அமைப்பு காவல்துறையில் திறம்பட செயலாற்றும் நிலை உருவாக்கப்பட வேண்டும்.

நெல்லைப் பகுதிக்கு பணி இடமாற்றம் செய்யப்படும் காவல் அதிகாரிகள் பலா் தண்டனை பணியாகவே (பனிஷ்மென்ட் போஸ்டிங்) அங்கு வருகின்றனா். எனவே, அவா்கள் பணியில் ஆா்வம் காட்டும் மனநிலையில் இருப்பதில்லை. திறமையுடன் செயல்படும் இளம் காவல் அதிகாரிகளை நெல்லைப் பகுதியில் பணியாற்ற அனுப்பி வைக்க வேண்டும். முன்பு இம்முறை இருந்தது.

திருநெல்வேலி உள்ளிட்ட சில தென்மாவட்டங்களில் சாதிய வன்முறைகளைத் தூண்டும் விதத்தில் சில பழக்கங்கள் கடந்த சில ஆண்டுகளாக நடைமுறையில் இருந்து வருகின்றன.

சீருடை அணிந்து பள்ளிக்கு வரும் அரசுப் பள்ளி மாணவா்கள் அவரவா் சாதியை வெளிப்படுத்தும் நிறத்தில் ‘ரப்பா் பேண்ட்’ ஒன்றைக் கைகளில் அணிந்து வருவதும், மாணவியா் அவரவா் சாதியை வெளிப்படுத்தும் நிறமுடைய பொட்டை நெற்றியில் வைத்துக் கொண்டு பள்ளிக்கு வருவதும் நடைமுறையாக இருந்து வருகிறது.

பள்ளி மாணவ - மாணவியா்களின் இச்செய்கை, சீருடை அணிவதின் நோக்கத்தையே சிதைக்கச் செய்கிறது. கல்வித்துறை அதிகாரிகளும் பள்ளி வளாகத்தினுள் சாதிய உணா்வை வெளிப்படுத்தும் இச்செய்கைகளைத் தடுத்து நிறுத்த முடியாமல் கண்டும் காணாமல் கடந்து சென்று விடுகின்றனா்.

சாலைகளில் உள்ள தகவல் பலகைகள், மின் கம்பங்கள், பாலங்கள் போன்றவற்றில் சாதிய வண்ணங்கள் ஆக்கிரமித்துள்ளன. சாலை ஓரங்களில் ஆங்காங்கே சாதியக் கொடிக்கம்பங்கள், சாதிய உணா்வை வெளிப்படுத்தும் ‘ஃப்ளக்ஸ் போா்டுகள்’ வைக்கப்படுகின்றன. இவற்றுக்கு ஏற்படுத்தப்படும் அவமதிப்பு, சாதிய கொலைகள் நிகழக் காணரமாக அமைந்ததும் உண்டு.

சாதிய வண்ணம் கொண்ட ரப்பா் பேண்ட், பொட்டுகள் போன்றவற்றைப் பள்ளி மாணவ, மாணவிகள் பயன்படுத்துதல், அனுமதியின்றி சாலை ஓரங்களில் வைக்கப்படும் கொடிக்கம்பங்கள், ஃப்ளக்ஸ் போா்டுகள் உள்ளிட்ட சாதிய வன்முறைக்கு வித்திடும் செயல்பாடுகள் இவை குறித்து முழுமையாக ஆய்வு செய்து இவற்றுக்குத் தடை விதிப்பது குறித்து அரசு பரிசீலனை செய்ய வேண்டும்.

ஒரு மாவட்டத்தில் நிகழும் சாதியக் கொலைகள் அந்த மாவட்டத்தின் ஒருங்கிணைந்த பொருளாதார வளா்ச்சியைப் பின்னுக்குத் தள்ளிவிடும் என்பதை அனைத்து சமூக மக்களும் உணர வேண்டிய தருணம் இது.

உலகின் மிகப்பழைமையான நோய்களில் ஒன்றாகக் கருதப்படுவது ‘மூட்டுவாதம்’ (ஆா்த்ரைடிஸ்) ஆகும். அமெரிக்கா்களுக்கு அடுத்தாற்போல் இந்தியா்கள் மூட்டுவாதத்தால் அதிகமாக பாதிக்கப்படுகின்றனா்.

இந்த நோய் பாதிப்பால் உயிருக்கு ஆபத்து இல்லை எனினும், பாதிக்கப்பட்டோரின் வாழ்க்கைத் தரத்தையும், சமூகப் பங்களிப்பையும் இந்நோய் பாதிக்கும்.

முன்பெல்லாம் முதுமைப் பருவத்தில் மட்டுமே காணப்பட்ட மூட்டுவாதம் இப்போது இளைா்களையும் பாதிக்கத் தொடங்கியுள்ளது. மாறிவரும் உணவுப்பழக்கமும், நாம் கைவிட்டுவிட்ட பாரம்பரிய வாழ்வியல் முறைகளும் இதற்கு முக்கியக் காரணங்களாகும்.

மூட்டுவாதம் என்ற சொல் பொதுவான வழக்கு மொழி. இதில் பல்வேறு வகைகள் இருந்தாலும் மூன்று வகைகள் முக்கியமானவை.முதுமைப் பருவத்தில் ஏற்படும் ஆஸ்டியோஆா்த்ரைடிஸ் எனும் கீல்வாதம், ருமட்டாய்டு ஆா்த்ரைடிஸ் எனும் முடக்குவாதம், யூரிக் அமிலம் எனும் உப்புசத்தால் ஏற்படும் கெளட் எனப்படும் கீல்வாதம்.

இந்த மூன்று முக்கிய வகைகளே அதிகம் பேருக்கு காணப்படுகின்றன. இந்தியாவில் கிட்டத்தட்ட 40% பேருக்கு கீல்வாதம் பாதிப்புள்ளதாகவும், 5% பேருக்கு முடக்குவாதம் பாதிப்புள்ளதாகவும் ஆய்வு முடிவுகள் சொல்கின்றன.

மதுப்பழக்கம், புலால் உணவுப்பழக்கம் போன்றவற்றால் யூரிக் அமில கீல்வாதம் ஏற்படுகிறது. காளாஞ்சகப்படை எனும் தோல் நோயின் நாட்பட்ட நிலையில் மூட்டுவாதம் வருவதும் ஒரு வகை .

நவீன சிகிச்சை முறைகளில் வலி நிவாரணி மருந்துகளைப் பயன்படுத்துவதில் உள்ள கட்டுப்பாடு சித்த மருத்துவத்தை மக்கள் நாடி வருவதற்கான காரணமாக உள்ளது.

சித்த மருத்துவ மூலிகைகள் மூட்டுவாதம் சாா்ந்த அனைத்து நோய் வகைகளுக்கும் நல்ல பலன் தருவதாக உள்ளன.

முருங்கை, முடக்கறுத்தான், மூக்கிரட்டை, பிரண்டை, மஞ்சள், இஞ்சி, ஆமணக்கு, நொச்சி, குந்திரிக்கம், அரத்தை, சீந்தில், நெருஞ்சில், குறுந்தொட்டி, அமுக்கரா, பரங்கிபட்டை, கோரைக்கிழங்கு, குங்கிலியம் போன்ற பல எளிய மூலிகைகள் மூட்டுவாதத்துக்கு சிறந்த பயன் தரும்.

மேலும், கடுக்காய், நெல்லிக்காய், தான்றிக்காய் சோ்ந்த திரிபலாவும், சுக்கு, மிளகு, திப்பிலி சோ்ந்த திரிகடுகும் மூட்டுவாத நோய்களை வரவொட்டாமல் தடுக்கும்.

கால்ஷியம் சத்தும், வைட்டமின் டி3 சத்தும் குறைவது பல்வேறு எலும்பு சாா்ந்த நோய்களுக்குக் காரணமாகின்றன என்று நவீன அறிவியல் கூறுகிறது. இதை முன்பே அறிந்த நம் முன்னோா் முருங்கையின் அவசியத்தை வலியுறுத்திக் கூறினா்.

கால்ஷியம் சத்து மண்டிக்கிடக்கும் இந்த முருங்கை கீரையுடன் பனைவெல்லம் சோ்த்து எடுத்துக் கொண்டால் முதுமைப் பருவத்திலும் கோல் ஊன்றாமல் விரைந்து நடக்கலாம். முருங்கைக் கீரையுடன் இஞ்சி, பூண்டு, மிளகு , உப்பிட்டு ரசம் வைத்து அருந்தினாலும் மூட்டுகளுக்கு நல்ல பலம் கிடைக்கும்.

பிரண்டையை அடிக்கடி உணவில் சோ்த்து வர கால்ஷியம் கிடைப்பதோடு சிறிய அளவிலான எலும்புமுறிவுகளும் சரியாகும். கருப்பு உளுந்து உருண்டையும், தினை உருண்டையும், எள்ளு உருண்டையும் நாம் மறந்து போன கால்ஷியம் மாத்திரைகள். எலும்புகளை வலுப்படுத்த எள் மிகவும் உதவும் என சித்த மருத்துவம் கூறுகின்றது.

குந்திரிக்கம் எனும் மூலிகையில் உள்ள போஸ்வெல்லிக் அமிலம் எனும் வேதிப்பொருள் மூட்டு வீக்கத்தை ஏற்படுத்தும் லிபோஆக்ஸிஜீனேஸ் எனும் நொதிகளின் செயல்பாட்டைத் தடுத்து, மூட்டுவாத நோய்களுக்கு நல்ல பலன் தரும்.

மஞ்சளில் உள்ள குா்குமின் எனும் வேதிப்பொருள் மூட்டுவாதத்தை உண்டாக்கும் இன்டா்லுகின், டிஎன்எப் ஆகிய காரணிகளைத் தடுக்கும் வல்லமை உடையது. ஆகவே எந்தவகை மூட்டுவாதத்தால் துன்பப்படுபவா்களும் பாலில், மஞ்சள்பொடி ஒரு தேக்கரண்டி அளவு சோ்த்து எடுக்க நிச்சயம் நல்ல பலன் கிடைக்கும்.

லவங்கப்பட்டையில் உள்ள நறுமணமூட்டும் சின்னமால்டிஹைடு எனும் வேதிப்பொருள், முடக்குவாத நோயாளிகளின் இன்டா்லுகின் செயலை அடக்குவதால், நோய் குணமாவதில் நல்ல முன்னேற்றம் காண உதவும் என ஆராய்ச்சி முடிவுகள் சொல்கின்றன.

‘இந்தியன் ஜின்செங்’ என்றழைக்கப்படும் சா்வ ரோக நிவாரணியான அமுக்கரா சோ்ந்த சித்த மருந்துகளை, பாலில் கலந்து எடுப்பது மூட்டுவாதத்திற்கு நல்ல பலன் தரும். இதை வீக்கமான இடத்தில் பற்று போட்டாலும் நல்ல பலன் தரும். இது மட்டுமன்றி நோய்த்தொற்று காலத்தில் நோய் எதிா்ப்புசக்தியை அதிகரிக்கவும் இது உதவும்.

அதிக யூரிக்அமிலம் உடலில் உற்பத்தியாவதால் உண்டாகும் கீல்வாதத்திற்கு சீந்தில், நெருஞ்சில் சோ்ந்த மருந்துகள் நல்ல பலன் தரும். சீந்திலில் உள்ள டினோஸ்போரின் எனும் வேதிப்பொருள், யூரிக்அமில உற்பத்திக்குக் காரணமாக உள்ள சேந்தின் ஆக்ஸிடேஸ் எனும் நொதியினைத் தடுத்து யூரிக்அமில உற்பத்தியைக் குறைத்து மூட்டு வீக்கம் குறைய உதவுவதாக ஆராய்ச்சி முடிவுகள் சொல்கின்றன.

நெருஞ்சில் பொடியினை கஷாயமாக செய்து எடுக்க ரத்தத்தில் அதிகமாக உள்ள யூரிக் அமிலம் சிறுநீா் வழியாக வெளியேறும்.

முடக்குவாதத்திற்கென தனிச்சிறப்பு மிக்க கீரை முடக்கறுத்தான் கீரைதான். வரும் தலைமுறையினா் மறந்துவிடக் கூடாது என்றே இக்கீரைக்கு முடக்கறுத்தான் என்று பெயரிட்டுள்ளனா் நம் முன்னோா்.

முடக்கறுத்தான் கீரையில் உள்ள லுடியோலின் குளுகுரோனிட், அபிஜெனின் குளுகுரோனிட் ஆகிய முக்கிய வேதிப்பொருட்கள் மூட்டு வீக்கத்தைக் குறைப்பதோடு, தேய்ந்த குருத்தெலும்புகளுக்கு புத்துணா்வு தந்து அவை மீண்டும் வளா்ச்சி பெற உதவுவதாக ஆய்வு முடிவுகள் சொல்வது நம் பாரம்பரிய உணவு முறையின் பெருமையைப் பறைசாற்றும் அறிவியல் ஆதாரங்கள்.

இவ்வாறு நோய் வருமுன் அதனைத் தடுக்க நம் முன்னோா் உணவையே மருந்தாகப் பயன்படுத்தினா். நாள்பட்ட மூட்டு வியாதிகளுக்கு, சித்த மருத்துவ மூலிகைகளைத் தொடா்ந்து பயன்படுத்துவதன் மூலம், நோய் குணமாவதில் நல்ல முன்னேற்றம் காணலாம். நாம் உணவே மருந்து என்பதைக் கடைப்பிடித்து வாழ்ந்தால் ஆரோக்கியமான வாழ்வை வாழ முடியும்.

இன்று (அக். 12) உலக முடக்குவாத விழிப்புணா்வு நாள்.

கடந்த சில நாட்களுக்கு முன்பு தஞ்சை ராசா மிராசுதார் மருத்துவமனையில் பிறந்து நான்கு நாட்களே ஆன கைக்குழந்தை கடத்தப்பட்டு, ஒரே நாளில் மீட்கப்பட்டது. மருத்துவமனையில் இருந்த சிசிடிவி காட்சிகளின் பதிவுகளிலிருந்து குழந்தையைக் கடத்தியவரை உடனடியாக அடையாளம் காண முடிந்தது. அதே மாவட்டத்தில், மருந்தகம் ஒன்றில் மருத்துவரின் பரிந்துரையின்றி தூக்க மாத்திரைகள் கேட்டு அரிவாளைக் காட்டிக் கொலைமிரட்டல் விடுத்த இளைஞர்களும் சிசிடிவி காட்சிப் பதிவுகளின் துணையோடு உடனடியாகக் கைதுசெய்யப்பட்டுள்ளனர். உயிருக்கும் உடைமைகளுக்கும் தீங்கு விளைவிக்கும் குற்றங்களையும் அக்குற்றச் செயல்களில் ஈடுபட்டவர்களையும் கண்டறிவதில் சிசிடிவி காட்சிகள் பெரும்பங்கு வகிக்கின்றன. குற்றவாளிகளைக் கண்டறிய உதவுவதோடு குற்றம் நடந்ததற்கான சாட்சியமாகவும் விளங்குகின்றன. இந்நிலையில், சென்னை பெருநகரக் காவல் துறையால் ஓர் இயக்கமாகவே முன்னெடுக்கப்பட்ட ‘மூன்றாவது கண்’ தமிழ்நாடு முழுவதும் விரிவுபெற வேண்டியது அவசியம்.

சென்னை மாநகரத்தின் ஆணையராக நான்கு ஆண்டுகள் பணியாற்றிய ஏ.கே.விஸ்வநாதன், அனைத்து பொதுக் கட்டிடங்களிலும் சிசிடிவி கேமராக்களைப் பொருத்துவதைக் கட்டாயமாக்கினார். தன்னுடைய பணிக்காலத்தில் மாநகராட்சி எல்லைக்குள் சுமார் 2.5 லட்சத்துக்கும் மேற்பட்ட சிசிடிவி கேமராக்களைப் பொருத்துவதற்கு ஏற்பாடுகளைச் செய்தார். இதன் உடனடி விளைவாக சங்கிலிப் பறிப்பு, செல்போன் பறிப்பு போன்ற வழிப்பறித் திருட்டுகள் கட்டுப்படுத்தப்பட்டன. சிசிடிவி கேமரா கண்காணிப்பு, குற்றங்களைக் கண்டறிய உதவுகிறது என்பதோடு குற்றங்கள் நடக்காமல் இருக்கவும் உதவுகிறது. சிசிடிவி கேமராக்களின் கண்காணிப்பு உள்ள பகுதிகளில் பெண்கள் பாதுகாப்பு உணர்வைப் பெறுகிறார்கள் என்பதும் கவனத்தில் கொள்ளத்தக்கது. சென்னையில் சிசிடிவி பொருத்துவதற்குக் காவல் துறை காட்டிவந்த தீவிர முனைப்பு கரோனா முன்தடுப்புப் பணிகளால் சற்றே குறைந்திருக்கிறது. மீண்டும் அது தீவிரம் பெற வேண்டும்.

சிசிடிவி கண்காணிப்பு வலைப் பின்னலைப் பொறுத்தவரையில், பொதுமக்களின் ஒத்துழைப்பு இன்றி அதனை முழுமையாகச் செயல்படுத்த முடியாது. அதற்கான செலவுகளைப் பொதுமக்களும் ஏற்றுக்கொள்ள வேண்டும். சென்னை மாநகரத்தைப் பொறுத்தவரையில், அந்தந்தப் பகுதிகளில் உள்ள வணிகர் சங்க அமைப்புகள், குடியிருப்போர் நலச் சங்கங்கள் ஆகியவையும் சிசிடிவி பொருத்துவதற்கான செலவுகளை ஏற்றுள்ளன. சென்னைக்கு வெளியே மற்ற நகரங்களிலும் இத்தகைய அமைப்புகளின் உதவியோடு ‘மூன்றாவது கண்’ இயக்கத்தை விரிவுபடுத்த முடியும். உள்ளாட்சி அமைப்புகளும் இதில் பங்கெடுக்கலாம். குற்றம் நடந்த பிறகு, அந்தப் பகுதியில் உள்ள சிசிடிவி காட்சிப் பதிவுகளை ஆராய்வது விசாரணையின் ஒரு பகுதியாகவே இன்று மாறிவிட்டது. அதே நேரத்தில், ஒவ்வொரு பகுதியிலும் பொருத்தப்பட்ட சிசிடிவி கேமராக்களின் காட்சிகளைத் தொடர்ந்து கண்காணித்துவருவது குற்றச் செயல்களை முன்கூட்டியே தடுக்கவும் உதவும். சிசிடிவி கேமராக்களைப் பொருத்துவதில் காட்டப்படும் வேகம், பழுதடைந்தவுடன் சரிசெய்வதிலும் காட்டப்பட வேண்டும்.

ரஜினி நடித்த நூற்றுக்கணக்கான காதல் பாடல்களில் அதுவும் ஒன்று. நாணம், மன்மதன் என்று வழக்கமான வார்த்தைகளில் எழுதப்பட்டதுதான். இரண்டாவது சரணம் ‘இட்ட அடி நோகுமம்மா, பூவை அள்ளித் தூவுங்கள்’ (‘மீனம்மா மீனம்மா’, ராஜாதி ராஜா) என்று தொடங்குகையில், சட்டென்று ஒரு சிலிர்ப்பு எழுந்தடங்கும். கம்பன் மகனும் கூத்தனும் சோழனும், தெருவழியே கொட்டிக்கிழங்கு விற்க வந்த கலைமகளும் நினைவில் வந்து போவார்கள். பிறைசூடனின் தனித்த முத்திரைகளில் இதுவும் ஒன்று. பழந்தமிழ்ப் பாடல் வரிகளின் உள்ளுறை உவமங்களை எடுத்தாள்வதில் வல்லவர் அவர். எடுத்தாளும் விதம் துருத்தலாய்த் தெரியாமல் வெகு இயல்பாக அமைந்திருக்கும்.

‘நடந்தால் இரண்டடி’ (செம்பருத்தி) பாடலைக் கேட்டால் சித்தர்களின் ஞானக் கும்மிகள் நினைவில் எழும். நூற்றுக்கணக்கான சித்தர் பாடல்களை நினைவிலிருந்தே சொல்லக்கூடியவர் பிறைசூடன். அவற்றின் தாக்கமும் நோக்கமும் மேற்சொன்ன திரைப்பாடலிலும் ஒன்றுகலந்திருக்கும். பக்தி இலக்கியங்களில் தீவிர ஈடுபாடு கொண்டவராக இருந்தார். திருவாவடுதுறை ஆதீனப் பள்ளியில் பயின்றதை அதற்குக் காரணமாகக் கூறுவார். இலக்கியச் சேவைக்காக அல்ல, வறுமையிலிருந்து தப்பிக்கவே பாடல் எழுத வந்தவன் என்று தம்மை அடையாளப்படுத்திக்கொண்டவர். ஆனால், தான் தேர்ந்துகொண்ட தொழிலில் தன்னை எவ்வளவு அர்ப்பணித்துக்கொண்டார் என்பதற்கு முன்னோடிக் கவிஞர்கள் எழுதிய பாடல்களைப் பற்றிய அவரது ரசனைப் பகிர்வுகள் உதாரணம். திரையிசைப் பாடல்களின் இலக்கிய நயம் பாராட்டும் அவரது உரைகள், பாடல் இலக்கியத்தின் நெடிய மரபை எடுத்துக்காட்டுபவை.

எம்.எஸ்.வி.யிலிருந்து ஏ.ஆர்.ஆர். வரை

எம்.எஸ்.விஸ்வநாதன் இசையில் பாடலாசிரியராக அறிமுகமானவர் பிறைசூடன். ஆனால், இளையராஜாவுடன் இணைந்து பணியாற்றிய காலத்தில்தான் அவர் மீது வெளிச்சம் விழுந்தது. அவர் எழுதிய ஆயிரத்துக்கும் மேற்பட்ட பாடல்களில் 100-க்கும் மேற்பட்ட பாடல்கள் பிரபலமானவை. ‘காதல் கவிதைகள் படித்திடும் நேரம்’ (கோபுர வாசலிலே), ‘இதயமே இதயமே’ (இதயம்) ஆகியவை தொண்ணூறுகளில் இளைஞர்களின் காதல் கீதங்களாக விளங்கியவை. ஏ.ஆர்.ரஹ்மான் இசையில் ‘போர்க்களம் இங்கே’ (தெனாலி), ‘ரசிகா ரசிகா’ (ஸ்டார்) ஆகிய பாடல்களை எழுதியிருக்கிறார். ‘ரசிகா ரசிகா’ பாடலில் ‘இவள் நடக்கும் நடையிலே நிலம் சிவக்கும், அதன் மணம் இனிக்கும்’ என்பது போன்ற காதல் மொழிகள் கவனத்தை ஈர்த்தன. இளையராஜாவின் இசையில் எழுதிய ‘என்னைத் தொட்டு அள்ளிக்கொண்ட மன்னன் பேரும் என்னடி’ (உன்னை நினைச்சேன் பாட்டுப் படிச்சேன்), ‘ஆட்டமா தேரோட்டமோ’ (கேப்டன் பிரபாகரன்) ஆகிய பாடல்கள் சொர்ணலதா ரசிகர்களின் முதன்மை விருப்பங்களில் இடம்பெற்றவை. முன்பின் அறியாதவரிடம் மனதைப் பறிகொடுத்த ஆணோ பெண்ணோ, அவர் எந்த ஊரோ என்ன பெயரோ என்று கலக்கமுறுவதுதான் தமிழ்க் காதல் மரபில் கைக்கிளை மரபின் முதல் உறுப்பு. பிறைசூடனின் ‘மன்னன் பேரும் என்னடி’ பாடலில் இந்தக் கூறுகள் வெகு இயல்பாக அமைந்திருக்கும். தினந்தோறும் நாம் பயணங்களில் கேட்டபடி சாதாரணமாகக் கடந்துபோகிற இந்தப் பாடல்களில் தொட்டுத் தொடரும் தமிழ் மரபுகளை விளக்கிச் சொல்ல பிறைசூடனைப் போல இன்னும் நமக்குப் பல கவிஞர்கள் வேண்டியிருக்கிறது. ஆனால், தமிழ்க் கவிஞர்கள் தம் சகக் கவிஞர்களைப் பற்றிப் பேசுவார்களா என்பது சந்தேகம்தான்.

சோலப் பசுங்கிளியே

இளையராஜா திரைப்படங்களுக்காக இசையமைத்துப் பாடிய பிரபலமான தாலாட்டு, ஒப்பாரிப் பாடல்களில் சிலவற்றை பிறைசூடன் எழுதியிருக்கிறார். ‘மன்னவன் பாடும் தமிழ் பிறந்த தென்பாண்டி முத்தே முத்தே’ (பொங்கி வரும் காவேரி) என்ற தாலாட்டு, பெண் குழந்தையை ‘பூமஞ்சள் கொத்தே’ என்று வர்ணிக்கையில் சிறப்புறுகிறது. எழுதா இலக்கியங்களின் சாரத்தையும் உள்வாங்கிக்கொண்டதன் வெளிப்பாடுகள் அவை. ராஜ்கிரண் நடித்த ‘சோலப் பசுங்கிளியே’ (என் ராசாவின் மனசிலே) பாடல் கேட்டோர் யாவரையும் கண்கலங்க வைப்பது. ‘பந்தக் காலு பள்ளம் இன்னும் மண்ணெடுத்து மூடலையே’ என்பதும்கூட ஒப்பாரிப் பாடல்களிலிருந்து எடுத்தாளப்பட்ட வார்த்தைகள்தான்.

அந்த ஆண்டுக்கான சிறந்த திரையிசைப் பாடலுக்கான தமிழ்நாடு அரசின் விருது அப்பாடலுக்குக் கிடைத்தது. சிறந்த திரைப்படத்துக்கான விருது அப்பாடல் இடம்பெற்ற ‘என் ராசாவின் மனசிலே’ படத்துக்கும், சிறந்த நடிகருக்கான விருது அப்படத்தில் நடித்த ராஜ்கிரணுக்கும் கிடைத்தன. விருது அறிவிப்பையொட்டி வெளியான திரைப்பட நிறுவனத்தின் விளம்பரத்தில், தனது பெயர் குறிப்பிடப்படாதது குறித்த வருத்தம் பிறைசூடனுக்கு இருந்தது. இவ்வாறு தாம் அடைந்த அவமானங்களையெல்லாம் பொதுவெளியில் போட்டுடைக்கவும் அவர் தயங்கவில்லை. அடுத்து வரும் தலைமுறைக்கு இதுவெல்லாம் பாடம் என்றார். கவிஞர்கள் யாவரும் சபிக்கப்பட்டவர்கள்தான். சினிமாவுக்குப் போனாலும் அதேதான் நிலை.

குருவோடு சீடர்

தன்னுடைய சுயமரியாதையை விட்டுக்கொடுக்க மனமின்றி வாய்ப்புகளை விட்டுக்கொடுத்தவர் பிறைசூடன். மொழிமாற்றுப் படங்களுக்கு வசனங்கள் எழுதியும் பாடல்கள் எழுதியும் அந்த இழப்பை ஈடுகட்டிக்கொண்டார். ஆயிரக்கணக்கில் பக்திப் பாடல்களும் எழுதியிருக்கிறார். அதற்கும் அதுவே காரணமாக இருக்க வேண்டும். இப்படித் திரையிசைக்கு வெளியே எழுதி இசையமைக்கப்படும் லட்சக்கணக்கான பாடல்களில் ஒருசிலவற்றைத் தவிர்த்துப் பெரும்பாலானவை பொதுவெளியின் கவனத்துக்கு வருவதே இல்லை. பக்திப் பாடல்கள், அரசியல் பிரச்சாரப் பாடல்கள் ஆகியவையும் அடுத்தடுத்த தலைமுறைகள் கேட்கும் வகையில் பாதுகாக்கப்பட வேண்டியது அவசியம்.

இசையமைப்பாளர் போட்ட மெட்டுகள் உடனடியாகப் பாடல்களாகவும் மாறிக்கொண்டிருந்த காலத்தில் மிகக் குறைந்த கால அவகாசத்துக்குள் பாடல் எழுதுகிற வாய்ப்புதான் பிறைசூடனுக்குக் கிடைத்தது. பாடலாசிரியர்கள் என்று நான்கோடு ஐந்தாக அவரது பெயரும் இடம்பெற்ற திரைப்படங்களில் அவர் எழுதியது எது என்பதை உறுதிப்படுத்துவதுகூட சமயங்களில் சிரமமாக இருக்கிறது. காலத்தின் சவால்களுக்கு நடுவிலும் இயன்ற வரை தனது தன்மதிப்பை விட்டுக்கொடுக்காத ஆளுமை என்பதே பிறைசூடனுக்குப் பெருமை.

திருமண வீடுகள் எதுவென்றாலும் ‘நூறு வருஷம் இந்த மாப்பிள்ளையும் பெண்ணும்தான் வாழணும்’ (பணக்காரன்) என்று வாழ்த்திக்கொண்டிருப்பார் பிறைசூடன். அவரது குருநாதர் கண்ணதாசனின் ‘வாராயென் தோழி வாராயோ’ (பாசமலர்) பாடலும் அதற்கு முன்போ பின்போ ஒலிக்கும். குருவை வியந்து நாளும் பொழுதும் போற்றிய ஒரு சீடனுக்கு அதைவிட என்ன பெருமை வேண்டும்?

காட்டுயிர் பேணலில் நமது குறிக்கோள் உயிரினங்களைப் (species) பாதுகாப்பது என்பதை மறந்துவிடக் கூடாது. தனி ஒரு விலங்கின் மேல் நம் கவனம் குவிந்து இந்தக் குறி மாறிவிடக் கூடாது. நம் நாட்டில் காட்டுயிர் பற்றிய கரிசனம் சற்று திசைமாறிப் போய்க்கொண்டிருக்கின்றது என்பதைச் சமூக வலைதளங்களில் நடக்கும் மசினகுடி வேங்கைப்புலி பற்றிய விவாதம் காட்டுகின்றது.

அரிதாகவே வேங்கைப்புலிக்குச் சில மனிதர்கள் பலியாகின்றார்கள். வேங்கைப்புலி மனிதர்களை வேட்டையாடுவதில்லை. சில சமயம் நிர்ப்பந்தங்களால் இரையாகக் கொள்கிறது. காயம்படுவதாலோ, முள்ளம்பன்றியின் முட்கள் உடலில் குத்திப் பதிந்துவிடுவதாலோ அல்லது மூப்பினாலோ விரட்டித் துரத்தி இரையை அடிக்க முடியாமல் போய்விடும்போது, மனிதர்களை வேங்கைப்புலி தாக்கலாம். மனிதரை எளிதாக இரையாக்கிக்கொண்டுவிடலாம் என்று ஒரு ஊனமுற்ற வேங்கைப்புலி தெரிந்துகொண்டால், அது மறுபடியும் அதே முறையைக் கையாளும். அதாவது, அது ஒரு ஆட்கொல்லியாகிவிடும். அப்போது அதைக் கொல்வதைத் தவிர வேறு வழியில்லை. ஜிம் கார்பெட் அவர் சுட்டுக்கொன்ற ஒவ்வொரு ஆட்கொல்லி வேங்கைப்புலியின் உடலையும் சோதித்து அது ஏன் ஆட்கொல்லியாக மாறியது என்று விளக்கியிருப்பார். அது மனித ரத்த ருசி கண்டு, மீண்டும் மீண்டும் மனிதர்களை அடிக்கிறது என்ற கதைக்கு ஆதாரமே இல்லை.

2005-ல் நிறுவப்பட்ட தேசிய வேங்கைப்புலி பாதுகாப்பு ஆணையம் (National Tiger Conservation Authority) ஒரு வேங்கைப்புலியை ஆட்கொல்லியாக அறிவிப்பதற்குச் சில நியதிகளை வகுத்துள்ளது. 2007-ல் இந்த நியதிகள் (protocol) ஒரு சுற்றறிக்கை மூலம் மாநில அரசுகளுக்குத் தெரிவிக்கப்பட்டன. அவற்றுள் முக்கியமானது, தான் கொன்ற மனிதரை அந்த வேங்கைப்புலி இரையாகக் கொண்டிருக்க வேண்டும். ஒரு வேங்கைப்புலி ஆட்கொல்லி என்று தெரிந்த பிறகும் அதை விட்டுவைப்பது, மற்ற மனிதர்களுக்கு மட்டுமல்ல வேங்கைப்புலிகளுக்கும் ஆபத்து என்கிறது இந்தச் சுற்றறிக்கை. இதன் அடிப்படையில்தான் 2014-ல் நீலகிரியில் ஒரு வேங்கைப்புலி சுடப்பட்டது. அதேபோல 2018-ல் மஹாராஷ்டிரத்தில் ஆவினி என்றறியப்பட்ட வேங்கைப்புலி வெகுநாள் தேடலுக்குப் பிறகு கொல்லப்பட்டது. அந்த வழக்கு உச்ச நீதிமன்றம் வரை சென்றது.

காட்டுயிரைப் பாதுகாப்பதில் ஒரு முக்கியப் பங்கு உள்ளூர்வாசிகளுக்கு இருக்கிறது. அவர்களின் நல்லெண்ணமும் பங்களிப்பும் இல்லாமல் அருகிலுள்ள காட்டில் வாழும் விலங்குகளைக் காக்க முடியாது. தங்களது கால்நடைகளை மட்டுமல்ல... உறவினர்களையும் கொல்லும் வேங்கைப்புலியைக் கண்டு அவர்கள் அஞ்சுவது தவறல்லவே. வனத் துறையினர் இம்மாதிரியான பிரச்சினையைப் பல சரணாலயங்களில் எதிர்கொண்டுள்ளனர். சத்தியமங்கலம் காடுகள் புலிகள் சரணாலயமாக அறிவிக்கப்பட்டபோது, அதை உள்ளூர் மக்கள் எதிர்த்தார்கள் என்பதை நாம் நினைவில் கொள்ள வேண்டும். சென்ற ஆண்டில் 360 பேர் நாட்டின் வெவ்வேறு இடங்களில் காட்டானைகளால் தாக்கிக் கொல்லப்பட்டனர். ஆனால், கிராமத்து மக்கள் எவரும் யானையைச் சுட வேண்டும் என்று போராடவில்லை.

ஏறக்குறைய நூறாண்டுகளுக்கு முன் உத்தராகண்டின் இமயமலைக் காட்டில் சம்பாவட் என்ற இடத்தில் ஒரு ஆட்கொல்லி வேங்கைப்புலி 430 பேரைக் கொன்றுதீர்த்த பிறகுதான் ஜிம் கார்பெட்டால் சுட்டுக்கொல்லப்பட்டது. இன்று கூட வங்காளத்தில் சுந்தரவனக் காடுகளில் ஆட்கொல்லி வேங்கைப்புலிகள் அவ்வப்போது தோன்றுகின்றன.

இந்த வேங்கைப்புலிகளைப் பிடித்து உயிரியல் பூங்காவில் வைக்கலாமே என்று சிலர் யோசனை கூறுகின்றனர். இதனால் காட்டுயிர் பேணலுக்கு என்ன பயன்? வனத்தில் சுதந்திரமாகத் திரியும் வேங்கைப்புலியை, மயக்க தோட்டா மூலம் சுட்டுப் பிடித்து அடைத்து வைப்பது அதற்கு மரணத்தைவிடக் கொடுமையான முடிவு. உயிரியல் பூங்காக்களில் ஏற்கெனவே மிகுந்த இட நெருக்கடி. ஒரு விலங்கைக் கூண்டில் அடைத்து வைப்பது அந்த உயிரினப் பாதுகாப்புக்கு எவ்விதப் பயனுமில்லை. பராமரிக்கும் செலவைப் பற்றிப் பேசவே வேண்டாம். பல உயிரினப் பூங்காக்களில் பெரும் பூனைகளுக்கு மாட்டிறைச்சி போடுவது இன்று நிறுத்தப்பட்டுவிட்டது. அது மட்டுமல்ல. உயிர்க்காட்சி சாலை எனும் கருதுகோளுக்கு எதிராக ஓர் இயக்கம் உருவாகிவருகிறது. சர்க்கஸ் மறைந்துபோனதுபோல இதுவும் சில பத்தாண்டுகளில் மறைந்துவிடலாம். காப்பிடப் பெருக்கத்துக்கு மட்டும் விலங்குகளை அடைத்து வைத்து வளர்க்கலாம்.

ஓர் உயிரியின் மேல் கருணை என்பது அறம் சார்ந்த விஷயம். அது சூழலியல் கரிசனத்தின் அடையாளமல்ல. அத்தகைய மேலோட்டமான கருணை சில சமயங்களில் காட்டுயிர் பேணலுக்கு எதிர்மறையாகவும் அமையலாம். இந்திய காட்டுயிர் பற்றி ‘தி டியர் அண்டு தி டைகர்’ (The Deer and the Tiger, 1967) என்ற சிறந்த நூலை எழுதிய உயிரியிலர் ஜார்ஜ் ஷேலரும், நம் நாட்டு வேங்கைப்புலி நிபுணர் உல்லாஸ் கரந்த்தும் ஆட்கொல்லி வேங்கைப்புலியைக் கொல்வதுதான் ஒரே வழி என்று திட்டவட்டமாகக் கூறுகிறார்கள். (காண்க: ‘கானுறை வேங்கை’ – காலச்சுவடு பதிப்பகம்.) காட்டுயிர் பேணலில் அரைக்கிணறு தாண்டும் வேலைக்கே இடமில்லை. இங்கே நமது குறிக்கோள் அழிவின் விளிம்பில் இருக்கும் ஓர் உயிரினத்தைக் காப்பது. அந்த முயற்சியில் தனி உயிரிகள் சில சாக வேண்டி வரலாம்.

காட்டுயிர் பேணலும் பிராணி நலமும் (conservation and Animal welfare) இரண்டும் சீரிய கருதுகோள்கள் - ஒன்றை ஒன்று போட்டு குழப்பிக்கொள்ளாமல் இருக்கும் வரை. இரண்டுக்கும் அடிப்படையான நியதிகள் வேறுபடுகின்றன. காட்டுயிர் எனும் சொல்லில், தானாக வளர்ந்து செழிக்கும் சகல உயிரினங்களும் அடக்கம். ஆனால், பிராணிநலன் என்பது மனிதருடன் இருக்கும் வளர்ப்பு உயிரினங்கள் சார்ந்தது. இந்த சித்தாந்தம், பிராணிநலன், பல நன்மைகளை வளர்ப்பு உயிரினங்களுக்குச் செய்திருக்கிறது. ஜல்லிக்கட்டுக்கு எதிரான இயக்கத்தை நடத்தியதும் இதுதான். அந்த சித்தாந்தத்தைக் காட்டுயிர் பேணலில் நுழைத்தால்தான் பிரச்சினை.

- சு.தியடோர் பாஸ்கரன்,

சூழலியல் ஆர்வலர், ‘கையிலிருக்கும் பூமி’ உள்ளிட்ட நூல்களின் ஆசிரியர்.

தொடர்புக்கு: theodorebaskaran@gmail.com

சீனா இந்திய ராணுவத்தினரை கால்வான் பள்ளத்தாக்கை தாக்கிய பிறகு சாங் சென்மோ மற்றும் ஹாட் ஸ்ப்ரிங்க்ஸ் பக்கம் கவனம் திரும்பியது.

Krishn Kaushik

India-China standoff : இந்தியாவுக்கும் சீனாவுக்கும் இடையேயான உண்மையான எல்லைக் கோட்டிற்கு அருகில் உள்ள கொங்கா லா அருகே அமைந்துள்ள சாங் சென்மோ பள்ளத்தாக்கில் உள்ள ஹாட்ஸ்பிரிங்கில் கடந்த ஆண்டு ஏற்பட்ட துப்பாக்கிச்சூட்டில் 20 இந்தியர்கள் மற்றும் குறைந்தது 4 சீன ராணுவ வீரர்களும் உயிரிழந்தனர். இந்த நிகழ்வு கால்வான் பள்ளத்தாக்கிற்கு தென்கிழக்கு பகுதியில் நடைபெற்றது. 1962ம் ஆண்டு ஏற்பட்ட போருக்கு முன்னும் பின்னும் கூட இந்தியாவின் ரோந்து புள்ளி 15-ல் நடவடிக்கைகள் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டது. ஆனால், எப்போதும் தாக்குதலுக்கான தளமாக அது இருந்ததில்லை.

ஹாட் ஸ்பிரிங்கில் சீனா பணி அமர்த்தியிருக்கும் வீரர்களை இன்னும் திரும்பப் பெறாமல் இருப்பது நிலைமையை இயல்பாக்குவதில் உள்ள சிரமங்களின் அறிகுறிகளாகும். PLA பாரம்பரியமாக கொங்கா லாவிற்கு கிழக்கே ஒரு முக்கிய தளத்தைக் கொண்டுள்ளது. இந்த பாதை சீனாவின் மிக முக்கியமான இரண்டு பகுதிகளுக்குமான, வடக்கில் சின்சியாங் மற்றும் தெற்கில் திபெத் எல்லையை குறிக்கும் ஒன்றாகும். சின்சியாங்கை திபெத்துடன் இணைக்கும் சீனாவின் ஜி219 தேசிய நெடுஞ்சாலையின் மேற்குப் பக்கம் கொங்கா லா அமைந்துள்ளது.

1962ம் ஆண்டு போருக்கு பிறகு, கொங்கா லாவில் நடைபெற்ற நிகழ்வு ஒன்று லடாக் எல்லை பொறுப்பை இந்திய அரசு ராணுவத்திடம் ஒப்படைக்க வைத்தது. 1959ம் ஆண்டு அக்டோபர் 20ம் தேதி அன்று மூன்று இந்திய ரோந்து அதிகாரிகளை சீன ராணுவத்தினர் கைது சென்றனர். ரோந்து அதிகாரிகள் திரும்பாத போது, ​​துணை காவல் கண்காணிப்பாளர் தலைமையில் மேலும் 20 பேர் அடுத்த நாள் மூவரையும் தேடி புறப்பட்டனர்.

20 நபர்களில் 16 பேர் சங் சென்மோ ஆற்றை நோக்கி புறப்பட்டனர். அவர்கள் மீது சீன அதிகாரிகள் துப்பாக்கி மற்றும் கையெறி குண்டு தாக்குதல்கள் நடத்தினார்கள். தேடும் பணியில் ஈடுபட்ட 20 நபர்களில் 9 பேர் கொல்லப்பட்டனர். மீதம் இருந்த நபர்கள் கைது செய்யப்பட்டு மோசமாக நடத்தப்பட்டனர். ஒரு சீன அதிகாரியும் இந்த தாக்குதலில் கொல்லப்பட்டார். இந்த நிகழ்வுக்கு பின்னதாக மேற்கு பகுதி முழுமையாக ராணுவத்திடம் அக்டோபர் மாதம் 24ம் தேதி அன்று ஒப்படைக்கப்பட்டது.

அதிகப்படியான தாக்குதல்களை பார்த்ததில்லை என்றாலும் சீனா 1962ம் ஆண்டு நடைபெற்ற போரின் போது ஹாட் ஸ்ப்ரிங்கை தாக்கியது. 1960ம் ஆண்டு வரை சீனா கொங்கா லா மற்றும் ஹாட் ஸ்பிரிங்கில் ஒரு நிறுவனத்தை வைத்திருந்தது. அது 1962 ஆண்டில் ஹாட் ஸ்பிரிங்ஸ் பகுதியில் அது ஒரு ரெஜிமென்டாக மாறியது.

போரின் ஆரம்பத்தில் ஹாட் ஸ்பிரிங்கில் 30 ராணுவ வீரர்களை கொண்ட ஒரே ஒரு ப்ளாட்டூன் மட்டுமே இருந்தது. சீனா இந்திய ராணுவத்தினரை கால்வான் பள்ளத்தாக்கை தாக்கிய பிறகு சாங் சென்மோ மற்றும் ஹாட் ஸ்ப்ரிங்க்ஸ் பக்கம் கவனம் திரும்பியது.

ஹாட் ஸ்பிரிங்ஸ் பகுதியைச் சேர்ந்த துருப்புக்களை சீனர்கள் ஷெல் செய்யத் தொடங்கிய பின் அவர்களைத் துண்டிக்க வேண்டிய நிலையில் இருந்ததால் பின்வாங்குமாறு இராணுவம் அறிவுறுத்தியது. முதலில் இந்திய வீரர்கள் சோகாத்சாலுவிற்கும் பிறகு போப்ராங்கிற்கும் செல்ல முயற்சி செய்தார்கள். சாங் சென்மோ ஆற்றின் வழியே நகரும் போது, கிட்டத்தட்ட அனைத்து வீரர்களும் உறைபனி மற்றும் சில்பைன்களால் பாதிக்கப்பட்டனர்.

இந்த பகுதியில் இருந்து தற்போது வீரர்கள் வெளியேற மறுத்த போது இரு தரப்பில் தலா 50 ஆயிரம் துருப்புகள், டேங்குகள், துப்பாக்கிகள் மற்றும் வான் பாதுகாப்பு இயந்திரங்கள் விரிவாக்கத்தில் ஒரு பெரிய தடையாக அமைந்துள்ளது. கடந்த ஆண்டு சீனா தனது படைகளை LAC வழியாக நகர்த்தியபோது வந்தது என்று இராணுவம் சொல்லும் உராய்வு புள்ளிகளில் ஹாட் ஸ்பிரிங்ஸ் கடைசி என்று கூறப்பட்டது. பி.பி.14 கால்வான் பள்ளத்தாக்கு, கோக்ரா போஸ்ட்டில் பி.பி.17ஏ , மற்றும் பாங்காங்க் சோவின் வடக்கு மற்றும் தெற்கு பகுதிகள் ஊராய்வு புள்ளிகளில் சில பகுதிகளாகும். இங்கிருந்த அனைத்த படைகளும் திரும்ப பெறப்பட்டுள்ளது.

Preserving geological heritage is as important as safeguarding biodiversity and cultural heritage

Like social diversity, India’s geodiversity, or variety of the geological and physical elements of nature, is unique. India has tall mountains, deep valleys, sculpted landforms, long-winding coastlines, hot mineral springs, active volcanoes, diverse soil types, mineralised areas, and globally important fossil-bearing sites. It is long known as the world’s ‘natural laboratory’ for geo-scientific learning.

Lack of geological literacy

Broken loose from a supercontinent 150 million years ago, the Indian landmass, with all its strange-looking plants and animals, drifted northwards all by itself for 100 million years until it settled under the southern margin of the Asian continent. It got entwined with the world’s youngest plate boundary. The geological features and landscapes that evolved over billions of years through numerous cycles of tectonic and climate upheavals are recorded in India’s rock formations and terrains, and are part of the country’s heritage. For example, the Kutch region in Gujarat has dinosaur fossils and is our version of a Jurassic Park. The Tiruchirappalli region of Tamil Nadu, originally a Mesozoic Ocean, is a store house of Cretaceous (60 million years ago) marine fossils. To know how physical geography gets transformed into a cultural entity, we need to study the environmental history of the Indus River Valley, one of the cradles of human civilisation. India offers plenty of such examples.

Geo-heritage sites are educational spaces where people find themselves acquiring badly needed geological literacy, especially at a time when India’s collective regard for this legacy is abysmal. Indian classrooms view disciplines like environmental science and geology with disdain compared to how they view other ‘pure’ subjects like physics, biology, and chemistry. This lack of interest in the government and our academic circles towards geological literacy is unfortunate at a time when we face a crisis like global warming. As the climate of the future is uncertain, decision-making is difficult. Learning from the geological past, like the warmer intervals during the Miocene Epoch (23 to 5 million years ago), whose climate can be reconstructed using proxies and simulations, may serve as an analogue for future climate. The awareness accrued through educational activities in geo-heritage parks will make it easy for us to memorialise past events of climate change and appreciate the adaptive measures to be followed for survival.

The importance of the shared geological heritage of our planet was first recognised in 1991 at an UNESCO-sponsored event, ‘First International Symposium on the Conservation of our Geological Heritage’. The delegates assembled in Digne, France, and endorsed the concept of a shared legacy: “Man and the Earth share a common heritage, of which we and our governments are but the custodians.” This declaration foresaw the establishment of geo-parks as sites that commemorate unique geological features and landscapes within their assigned territories; and as spaces that educate the public on geological importance. These sites thus promote geo-tourism that generates revenue and employment.

In the late 1990s, in what may be considered as a continuation of the Digne resolution, UNESCO facilitated efforts to create a formal programme promoting a global network of geoheritage sites. These were intended to complement the World Heritage Convention and the UNESCO Man and the Biosphere programme. UNESCO provided guidelines for developing national geo-parks so that they become part of the Global Geoparks Network. Today, there are 169 Global Geoparks across 44 countries.

Countries like Vietnam and Thailand have also implemented laws to conserve their geological and natural heritage. Unfortunately, India does not have any such legislation and policy for conservation. Though the Geological Survey of India (GSI) has identified 32 sites as National Geological Monuments, there is not a single geo-park in India which is recognised by the UNESCO. This is despite the fact that India is a signatory to the establishment of UNESCO Global Geoparks. The GSI had submitted a draft legislation for geo-heritage conservation to the Ministry of Mines in 2014, but it did not make any impact.

The development juggernaut

Despite international progress in this field, the concept of geo-conservation has not found much traction in India. Many fossil-bearing sites have been destroyed in the name of development. This indifference — strange as it may seem given the current dispensation’s penchant for crying itself hoarse about India’s heritage — is going to take a toll on our heritage. The development juggernaut will soon overwhelm almost all our sites of geo-heritage. For example, the high concentration of iridium in the geological section at Anjar, Kutch district, provides evidence for a massive meteoritic impact that caused the extinction of dinosaurs about 65 million years ago. This site was destroyed due to the laying of a new rail track in the area. Similarly, a national geological monument exhibiting a unique rock called Nepheline Syenite in Ajmer district of Rajasthan was destroyed in a road-widening project. The Lonar impact crater in Buldhana district of Maharashtra is an important geo-heritage site of international significance. It is under threat of destruction, although conservation work is now in progress under the High Court’s supervision.

We are inching towards the disappearance of most of our geological heritage sites. Thanks to unplanned and booming real estate business, many such features have been destroyed. Unregulated stone mining activities have also contributed to this destruction. This situation calls for immediate implementation of sustainable conservation measures such as those formulated for protecting biodiversity. Natural assets, once destroyed, can never be recreated. And if they are uprooted, they lose much of their scientific value.

Geo-conservation legislation

The protection of geo-heritage sites requires legislation. The Biological Diversity Act was implemented in 2002 and now there are 18 notified biosphere reserves in India. Geo-conservation should be a major guiding factor in land-use planning. A progressive legal framework is needed to support such strategies. In 2009, there was a half-hearted attempt to constitute a National Commission for Heritage Sites through a bill introduced in the Rajya Sabha. Though it was eventually referred to the Standing Committee, for some unstated reasons the government backtracked and the bill was withdrawn. In 2019, a group of geologists under the auspices of the Society of Earth Scientists petitioned the Prime Minister and the Ministries concerned about the need for a national conservation policy under the direct supervision of a national body committed to the protection of geo-heritage sites. But the government’s apathy continues.

C.P. Rajendran is an adjunct professor at the National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bengaluru, and author of the forthcoming book, ‘Earthquakes of the Indian Subcontinent’

A record of the hearings indicates that the judiciary has allowed the Government to get away with much of its evasion

In July this year, a global coalition of media organisations revealed that a mobile phone spyware — Pegasus — was being used in a number of countries to surveil journalists, activists, dissidents, and political leaders. Manufactured by an Israeli cyber-arms firm called the NSO Group, Pegasus is a highly invasive malware that once installed on an individual’s phone, can collect and transmit data, track activities such as browsing history, and control functionalities such as the phone camera. The NSO Group claims that its only clients are vetted governments. The Pegasus revelations thus indicated the possibility of serious governmental abuse.

Yet another episode

The revelations further showed that around 50,000 mobile phone numbers had been potentially infected by the spyware. Many of these numbers were Indian, and belonged to journalists, activists, and politicians. This was not the first time that such a thing had come to light. India featured on a list of Pegasus-using countries as early as in 2018. In 2019, it was found that a number of activists including some of the accused in the infamous Bhima Koregaon case had been potentially spied upon, and their mobile phones compromised. Later the same year, WhatsApp notified the Indian government of a Pegasus-related security breach, with as many as 121 Indian citizens being targeted. The July 2021 revelations, thus, were not new, but only the most recent and most extensive accounts of military-grade surveillance being carried out upon Indians.

A track of stonewalling

In the aftermath of the Pegasus revelations, certain countries such as France and Morocco ordered immediate investigations. In India, however, the story has been one of continuous official stonewalling. In October 2019, Right to Information requests about whether the Indian government had purchased the Pegasus software were met with a “no information available” response. Parliamentarians put questions to the Government in the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, where, once again, no response on the purchase or use of Pegasus was forthcoming. The Government continued to maintain this stance in response to various Parliamentary questions put to it through 2020 and 2021, and even after the 2021 revelations, including the effective quashing of a Parliamentary Committee inquiry into the issue, with ruling party politicians disabling it from functioning by denying it a quorum.

This history clearly indicates that attempts in Parliament to hold the executive accountable for possible abuse of governmental surveillance powers has been entirely frustrated for more than two years. Under our constitutional scheme, however, there is a third wing of state that exists precisely to address situations where executive abuse and violations of fundamental rights are not being checked by the available mechanisms: the court. Consequently, at the end of July, multiple petitions were filed before the Supreme Court of India, alleging breaches of fundamental rights, and of India’s legislative framework dealing with lawful interception of communications.

However, it has now been almost two-and-a-half months since the petitions came to court, without meaningful action. Between August 5 and September 13, 2021, the Court held six hearings on the case.

The issues are simple

The issues before the Court were simple: did the Government of India authorise the use of Pegasus upon the individuals whose names had appeared in the list? If it did, was there any justification for the use of such intrusive surveillance upon individuals who, admittedly, were not accused of any wrongdoing? And if it did not, was it not a breach of the Government’s constitutional obligations to protect its citizens from the use of military-grade surveillance by rogue actors? It is important to note that the petitions were not some fishing expedition asking the Government to reveal details about its general interceptions techniques: rather, they were brought to court by individuals who had themselves been affected by Pegasus, and were focused upon accountability: in essence, does the Indian Constitution allow for rampant and unchecked surveillance upon individuals — surveillance that goes far beyond simple interception of communication, and effectively hijacks and individual’s mobile phone — with complete impunity?

Nonetheless, throughout the hearings, the Government continued upon its track of evasion: it repeatedly refused to file an affidavit setting out its stance in writing, until nudged by the Court to do so. The final affidavit that it did file was nothing more than a recapitulation of its evasive stance in Parliament. Furthermore, it continued to resist answering the core questions put to it, on the basis that doing so would undermine “national security”. This has, however, been a recent, unfortunate trend: whenever the question of widespread and serious rights violations arises, the Government recites the words “national security” like a mantra, not simply to avoid providing answers, but to hint that even asking the question is somehow illegitimate. In this way, “national security” becomes a cloak for impunity.

On the court’s conduct

Nowhere was this more evident during the course of the Pegasus hearings. If a person whose mobile phone has been hijacked by a military-grade spyware that is only sold to governments, and if the Constitution means anything at all, it means that that person has the right to know why this has been done to him, and at whose behest. And — with the inability of Parliament to hold the executive to account — the only place where the individual can seek answers is the court. This has nothing to do with “national security”, and everything to do with whether we are a country governed by the rule of law — where the rule of law applies to both individuals and to the state — or whether we are living under a regime of executive impunity.

Unfortunately, however, a record of the hearings so far indicates that the Court has allowed the Government to get away with much of its evasion. Despite the passage of two and a half months, the Court is yet to pass any consequential orders including, for example, orders directing the Government to provide the information that it has refused to provide Parliament and to citizens. Furthermore, the Court’s conduct has not been limited to inaction. When the State of West Bengal set up a committee to investigate Pegasus, the Court entertained a plea against it — despite having no ground to do so — and by orally expressing its disapproval (without any clear grounds to do so), effectively compelled the State government to halt the investigation. At no point was any legal justification provided for why the Court decided to hear such an irregular plea, or why the State of West Bengal was required to stop investigating breaches of fundamental rights.

Need for direction

On the last date of hearing, September 13, the Court indicated that it would establish a Committee to look into the matter. However, this puts the cart before the horse: it is unclear why the Court has not yet drawn an adverse inference against the Government for its repeated refusal to answer straightforward questions about potentially abusive surveillance; the setting up of a Committee would make sense after such a finding had been returned. Moreover, the substantial amount of time that has passed since the last order is worrying. In India, we have a long experience of “death by Committee”: issues that require urgent attention linger for many months in a Committee, and once public memory has dulled, are given a quiet burial. It is vital that this should not happen in the present case. Thus, a direction by the Court to the Government to answer whether it has been spying on citizens not accused of any offence — a direct yes/no question — and, if the answer is yes, to require it to explain why or face legal consequences — would be a good start.

Gautam Bhatia is a Delhi-based lawyer

Presently, any investment in health care has failed to translate into a sense of security and sanctuary for many Indians

The brevity of human memory is often a blessing and even necessary for our collective healing from suffering. But the lessons we learn from suffering are possibly even more crucial. As our people continue to face individual and collective grief as a result of the novel coronavirus pandemic, it is the moral responsibility of our leaders to look ahead and learn the necessary lessons.

A place for this ‘right’

The lesson here is the need for the constitutional ‘Right to Health for all’. The pandemic has exposed and aggravated the cracks in our health-care systems, and this is a lesson we cannot afford to ignore and not learn.

In June this year, I called on the Parliament of India to take immediate measures to make necessary amendments to the Constitution to declare health care a Fundamental Right. I was reassured with positive responses from parliamentarians across party lines who have supported this call. Now, the time has come to make this a reality for India so our people never have to undergo the suffering that they did.

Through the eyes of citizens

The primary question raised is: what will a constitutional ‘Right to Health’ mean for a citizen of India? I will try and explain this through the lens of three categories of citizens: farmers and unorganised workers, women and children.

Farmers are the primary protectors of our fundamental right to life. Yet, the majority remain at a loose end when it comes to their own rights and well-being, and that of their families. Without an anchor during times of severe illness or disease, generations of children of small and landless farmers, and unorganised, migrant and seasonal workers are thrown into bondage and debt by having to pay for medical costs from their limited earnings. Employment benefit schemes do not reach them, and the ones that do are mostly on paper. The implementation of the right to health can provide simple, transparent and quality health care to those who are most in need of such care.

Women bear a disproportionate burden of the gaps in our health-care system. The taboos and patriarchal expectations surrounding their health lead to immense avoidable suffering. In addition, social and economic challenges prevent them from freely and openly accessing the little care that is available. A ‘Right to Health’ would mean that services reach the woman where and when she needs them.

A large number of children who belong to the poorest and most marginalised communities of our country grow up working in hazardous situations be it fields, mines, brick kilns or factories. They are either not enrolled in schools or are not able to attend it due to the pressing financial needs of the family — often because of unexpected out-of-pocket medical expenses.

Making it safer for children

My organisation has rescued over 1,00,000 such children from child labour, bonded labour, and trafficking. When rescued, these children are ridden with complex health impacts of working — primarily tuberculosis, skin diseases, eyesight impairment, and malnutrition, besides the substantial mental health impact. These children have been denied a safety net of early childhood care and protection, the consequences of which are felt for a lifetime. The ‘Right to Health’ will help transition the children in exploitative conditions into a safer future.

A constitutional ‘Right to Health’ will transform not only the health and well-being of our people but will act as a leap for the economic and developmental progress of the nation. Presently, any investment in health care fails to translate into a sense of security and sanctuary for the people of India. Instead, the complex and often corrupt means of accessing even existing health care only adds to the suffering instead of alleviating it. The vision for Ayushman Bharat will be strengthened with a constitutional ‘Right to Health’. The immediate financial security that will come with the constitutional ‘Right to Health’ will be seen as a measurable impact on family savings, greater investment, and jobs creation on the one hand, and in the long-term emotional, psychological and social security of people.

As a legacy

The world is taking steps, both big and small, in recovering from the pandemic through foresight in policy and investment. India must not lag behind. The right to free and compulsory education was arguably one of the most valuable legacies of the earlier Government. The true testament of bold leadership lies in its timely, compassionate and courageous decisions for the greater good. A constitutional amendment to introduce the ‘Right to Health for India’ can be the legacy of this Government.

Kailash Satyarthi, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2014, is an advocate of children’s rights. He is also the founder of the Global Campaign for Education and the Laureates and Leaders for Children

Regional cinema represents India in a much more holistic and meaningful manner than Bollywood

For long, Indian cinema has been synonymous with Bollywood. However, the pandemic-induced growth of over-the-top (OTT) platforms has opened up new vistas for audiences to watch and appreciate films from other parts of the country. Bollywood, which is largely influenced by the ebbs and flows of the box office, has often failed to capture the social complexities of Indian society. It is still quite distant from the experiences and sensibilities of the masses. It generally follows an escapist approach, where storytelling becomes a commodity. On the other hand, Malayalam, Assamese, Bengali, Marathi and Tamil cinema, to name a few, frequently depict gender, religious, caste and class disparities.

This is not to say that fantasy, which provides a break from the dreariness of our daily lives, is not an important aspect of cinema. But it is the safe distancing of Hindi cinema from hard-hitting issues such as the atrocities committed against Dalits and Muslims, religious majoritarianism, sexual inclusivity and class barriers that are a major concern.

Pushing boundaries

The cinematic treatment of Bollywood has been formulaic. Films either derive inspiration from the West or are compelled by the process of globalisation. Over the past few years, Bollywood has churned out many hyper nationalist films, films that misrepresent minority communities, and films that assert a certain culture, thus furthering the majoritarian nation-building project.

On the other hand, regional cinema is constantly pushing boundaries with experimental takes on social and political issues. In recent years, Tamil cinema has revolutionised the art with larger social observations. Filmmakers like Mari Selvaraj, Pa. Ranjit and Vetrimaaran have produced films that explore the issues of the common man. They represent the voice of the subaltern without being apologetic unlike their counterparts in Bollywood. Mari Selvaraj and Pa. Ranjit are known for making films centred around Dalit lives. In the 1970s and ‘80s, there was a wave of parallel cinema in Bollywood which spoke of the victimisation of Dalits. However, in contemporary Tamil cinema, Dalits are not victims; they are assertive protagonists who actively fight back against upper caste assertion. Through his filmsKabaliandKaalaand most recentlySarpatta Parambarai,Pa. Ranjithhas brought to us Dalit heroes, who are rare in Indian film history. Mari Selvaraj has established the normalisation of Dalit characters throughPariyerum PerumalandKarnan. These films further the politics of social justice in subtle ways instead of depicting communities as pitiable beneficiaries of certain policies and lacking in dignity.

Another regional industry which has resonated with the larger Indian audience is the Malayalam industry. Malayalam cinema is known to reflect on contemporary concerns and anxieties. Most Malayalam films have small budgets, but their impact is immense because of their fresh take on common people-centric stories. Jeo Baby’sThe Great Indian Kitchen,for instance, can be considered as one of the biggest disruptors of normative gendered labour and relations. While questioning regressive gendered practices, the filmmaker employs a layered and minimalist approach to drive the message home. On the other hand, Bollywood’s approach tends to be loud and sensational, with a greater focus on costume, set design, light, colour, and location than the subject at hand. In Dileesh Pothan’sMaheshinte Prathikaaram,even the slippers of the character played by Fahad Faasil has an important role to play. Regional films are often replete with metaphors and symbols.

Politics of majoritarianism

Today, when hyper nationalism is at its peak, Bollywood often acts as a tool in the hands of the majoritarian nation-building project. Many Hindi films use the archaic trope of cultural assertion and continue to vilify a particular community while downplaying structural inequalities in society. This trend can be witnessed in the surge in period dramas and biopics of politicians and sportspersons where characters are overglorified. On the other hand, certain filmmakers in Bengali and Marathi cinema, through their politically heightened content, are challenging polarisation and the threat to India’s diversity. Aparna Sen in her 2019 film,Ghawre Bairey Aaj,highlights the jingoism prevalent in the political ecosystem. Another important movie is Nagraj Manjule’sSairatwhich treats caste as a political issue.

Regional cinema has woven narratives in a socially conscious manner and has the potential to substantially disrupt class and caste hegemony and majoritarianism. It represents India in a much more holistic and meaningful manner than Bollywood.

Nehal Ahmed is a research scholar of cinema at Jamia Millia Islamia and Faiza Nasir is a lecturer in Political Science

The pressure to speed up mitigation and adaptation is at an all-time high

The recently published Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) Sixth Assessment Report from Working Group I makes a clarion call for climate action. According to the report, the past decade (2011-2020) was warmer by 1.09°C than the period from 1850 to 1900, and the 1.5°C global warming threshold is likely to be breached soon. The IPCC report warns India against more intense heat waves, heavy monsoons and rise in weather extremes in the future. The Global Climate Risk Index (2021) ranked India the seventh-most affected country by weather extremes. Responses to climate change vary from place to place as there are differences in production systems, agro-climatic and socio-economic conditions across the country.

Adopt adaptation strategies

The pressure to speed up mitigation and adaptation is at an all-time high. India is doing well in achieving its mitigation commitments of reducing emission intensity and enhancing renewable capacity. India is targeting 450 gigawatts of renewable energy capacity by 2030 and it has launched mega solar and green hydrogen missions. The Shoonya programme by NITI Aayog, which aims to accelerate adoption of electric vehicles, is yet another effort towards adoption of clean technologies.

With escalating climatic risks, there is an urgency to adopt adaptation strategies. India has some dedicated initiatives towards adaptation, such as the National Action Plan on Climate Change and the National Adaptation Fund. However, a breakthrough on adaptation and resilience actions is needed to save hard-earned developmental gains and adjust to new climate conditions. Adaptation planning needs to go beyond a business-as-usual approach. A development-centric approach that aligns climate change, food security, and livelihood perspectives and takes into consideration regional specificities is crucial for reducing poverty and distress migrations. Moreover, adaptation planning requires governance at different levels to understand, plan, coordinate, integrate and act to reduce vulnerability and exposure.

To strengthen adaptation and resilience, India can do the following. First, it can be more prepared for climate change with high-quality meteorological data. With improved early warning systems and forecasting, we can tackle the crisis better. Premier research institutes can be roped in to develop regional climate projections for robust risk assessments.

Second, for sustainable production systems, it is necessary to develop well-functioning markets for environmentally friendly products and disseminate them for the desired behavioural change.

Third, it is important to encourage private sector participation for investment in adaptation technologies and for designing and implementing innovative climate services and solutions in areas such as agriculture, health, infrastructure, insurance and risk management.

Fourth, we need to protect mangroves and forests to address climate-related risks by blending traditional knowledge with scientific evidence and encourage local and non-state actors to actively participate. Fifth, major social protection schemes must be climate-proofed. We have an opportunity to create resilient infrastructural assets, diversify the economy and enhance the adaptive capacity of rural households. Sixth, for continuous monitoring and evaluation, effective feedback mechanisms must be developed for mid-course correction. Periodic fine-tuning of State Action Plans on Climate Change is crucial to systematically understand micro-level sensitivities, plan resource allocation, and design responses to serve at different levels of intensities of climate hazards.

Proactive and timely need-based adaptation is important. Without it, there will be a huge fiscal burden in the future. A more collaborative approach towards climate change adaptation is crucial. Next-generation reforms will promote new business and climate service opportunities across several sectors and thus create a sustainable economy.

Bhawna Anand is Research Officer with the Development Monitoring and Evaluation Office, NITI Aayog. Views are personal

Past border agreements are in disarray as the Line of Actual Control sees heavy deployment

As winter arrives on the Line of Actual Control (LAC), the latest round of talks — the thirteenth — between India and China ended with no resolution in sight, leaving tens of thousands of soldiers facing the prospect of another harsh cold season on the heights of Eastern Ladakh. The contrasting statements sharply underlined the deadlock. The Indian Army’s statement on Monday morning noted that while India made “constructive suggestions” for resolving the remaining areas, the Chinese side “was not agreeable and also could not provide any forward-looking proposals”. A Chinese statement on Sunday night accused India of making “unreasonable and unrealistic demands”. There was no joint statement, as in the last round in August, when agreement was reached to disengage at Gogra. The only surprise is that the discord is now fully out in the open, in contrast to the anodyne declarations of both sides in August to “enhance trust” and “expeditiously resolve” issues that have already dragged on for more than one year. In fact, recent events on the boundary offered a portent that all was not well.

First, reports citing Indian official sources, put out two days before Sunday’s talks, revealed a face-off in the Tawang Sector in Arunachal Pradesh; later, Chinese soldiers had been detained for a few hours. The reports sparked an angry reaction in China, where the military apparently leaked on social media images from last year purportedly showing injured Indian soldiers detained by China in the Galwan Valley. Statements from the Chinese Foreign Ministry, accusing India of following a “forward policy” in an explicit invocation of 1962, have vitiated the atmosphere. That China put out a statement on Sunday night barely hours after the talks concluded — a departure from normal practice in a country where statements usually are carefully vetted — suggests the PLA had no real intention to seek a resolution. This leaves the LAC in a perilous situation. Not only are several hotspots unresolved — the latest round was to discuss Hot Springs, while disputes remain over Demchok and Depsang — the Corps Commanders were also set to work out new protocols for patrolling. Speaking this weekend, Indian Army Chief General M.M. Naravane noted a large-scale infrastructure build-up on the Chinese side, and said as Chinese troops were there to stay, Indian troops will be there to stay too. Ladakh and the western sector may remain the focus of tensions, but as recent flare-ups in Uttarakhand and Arunachal Pradesh show, the middle and eastern sectors are hardly tranquil. Past border agreements are in disarray in the wake of China’s unprecedented amassing of troops, while around 50,000 troops of each side remain deployed in forward areas, all of which make for a dangerous mix as winter falls on the Himalayas.

Rawalpindi, October 11: Shocked by its image abroad and worried about votes against it at the United Nations, Pakistan is wooing some of the same foreign newsmen it ejected summarily from Dacca in March when the Army routed the Awami League and seized Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Spokesmen of the Ministry of Information here for the first time are promising regular briefings for foreign reporters. However, foreigners are still barred from weekly briefings conducted by the Ministry of External Affairs. Wooing does not extend to the domestic press. Although prepublication censorship of the local press has been lifted, news agencies and newspapers operate under a Martial Law regulation which amounts to virtually the same thing. The regulation forbids publishing material which “directly or indirectly” prejudices “the solidarity of Pakistan”, criticises the Martial Law regime, creates alarm, criticises President Yayha Khan, creates ill-will among the various groups of people in Pakistan and insults Islam or Mohamed Ali Jinnah. The Government has also warned newsmen against speculation on national issues such as the secret trial of Sheikh Mujib.

RBI’s failure to rein in inflation will hurt savers and risk derailing a consumption-led revival

The RBI’s latest monetary policy statement and accompanying actions reflect the dilemma confronting monetary authorities. While the RBI’s Monetary Policy Committee voted unanimously to keep benchmark interest rates unchanged as part of its efforts to support growth as the economy recovers, one of the six members on the MPC demurred yet again and voted against continuing with an accommodative stance for ‘as long as necessary’. Prof. Jayanth Varma had at the last meeting in August flagged the risks that prolonged monetary accommodation posed to the inflation outlook by ‘stimulating asset price inflation’ even as he posited that its impact in ‘mitigating the distress in the economy’ was arguably far more marginal. The MPC’s own current inflation outlook is a mixed bag. The projection for average inflation for the full fiscal year has been cut by 40 basis points to 5.3% even as the committee stresses that with core inflation ‘persisting at an elevated level’, the Centre and States would need to further ameliorate supply side and cost pressures, including through calibrated cuts in indirect taxes on petrol and diesel so as to address the issue of ‘very high’ pump prices. In an acknowledgment of the difficulty it faces in containing price pressures even as it keeps interest rates at growth-supportive lows, the monetary panel reiterated its plea for fiscal authorities to step in and help contain inflationary pressures, especially the pass-through impact of elevated transportation costs.

Governor Shaktikanta Das tacitly conceded that the time had come to wind down the pandemic-era liquidity support as he announced the suspension of the G-SAP bond buying programme and simultaneously outlined measures to drain out surplus liquidity from the banking system. He cited the seemingly ‘strengthening’ growth impulses to justify the RBI’s decision. Here again, the MPC’s prognostication on growth is filled with uncertainties and caveats. Contact intensive services, which contribute about two-fifths to economic output and were among the worst hit by the COVID restrictions, still considerably lag their pre-pandemic levels; the manufacturing sector is still nowhere near supporting a rebound in investment demand; and, most crucially, the external environment that has so far been a major tailwind — through capital inflows and the demand for the country’s goods and services — is turning more uncertain. With growing signs that some major advanced economies are gearing for an imminent normalisation of monetary policy, the elbow room for the RBI to stay accommodative is narrowing sharply. As Prof. Varma had noted in his dissent, monetary authorities face the danger of failing to fulfil the MPC’s primary mandate of anchoring inflation expectations firmly around the 4% target. A failure that would hurt savers the most and risks derailing a consumption-led revival.

At a press conference in Amritsar, Akali Dal chief, Sant Harchand Singh Longowal, said the district and circle units of the Dal had already been alerted.

The Punjab government has renewed its crackdown on extremists to meet the threat of the “intensified” agitation by the Akali Dal (L). The Dal has worked out details of its proposed civil disobedience movement in the state. At a press conference in Amritsar, its chief, Sant Harchand Singh Longowal, said the district and circle units of the Dal had already been alerted. The Dal had threatened to launch the movement if its demands, including the release of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale by October 17 were not accepted. Puran Singh, a Nihang, was allegedly arrested from inside Gurdwara Darbar Sahib at Tarn Taran in Amritsar district two days ago. Two Khalistan protagonists have been rounded up in Patiala and one Akali worker in Sirhind, Gurdev Singh Khalsa, press secretary of the Patiala district Akali Jatha (L ), was arrested at Bassi Pathana on Saturday.

AP crisis

The crisis created by the suspension of two ministers from the Andhra Congress-I by the APCC-I chief, K Prabhakar Rao, is yet to be resolved. The future of the two ministers, C Das and N Chandrababu Naidu, remains uncertain. All the key figures in the drama have been called to Delhi by the party high command. Prabhakar Rao told newsmen that he was not aware or concerned about the ministers’ visit to Delhi.

Children killed

Nearly 100 school children who were wounded in recent Teheran street demonstrations were taken from their hospital beds to the city’s Erin prison last week and executed, the Paris office of the radical Muslim Mujahedin group said on Sunday. In a statement telephoned to Reuters in London, the Mujahedin added that the children’s bodies, instead of being taken to the coroner’s office to be prepared for Muslim rites as is usual, were buried in the “Infidel, cemetery”.

AQ Khan took the blame for proliferation to deflect the international opprobrium that came Islamabad's way, though the last word on the matter is yet to be said.

Abdul Qadeer Khan, who died in Islamabad aged 85 on Sunday, was, to most of the world, a rogue scientist, who stole and sold nuclear designs to nation-states that were able and willing to buy them. His clients, reportedly, included North Korea, Libya and Iran. After the US blew his cover in 2004, Khan confessed on prime television that he had traded in nuclear secrets, describing his actions as “an error of judgement”. Under pressure from Washington, the then Pakistan president, Pervez Musharraf, placed Khan under house arrest. A Pakistani court revoked the arrest soon after the general moved out though restrictions on his travels remained. None of this dented his popularity in Pakistan, where he continued to be hailed as a hero for delivering the nuclear bomb.

Khan was a beneficiary of the nuclear race in the Subcontinent. He was working in a uranium enrichment facility in Holland when India exploded a nuclear device in Pokhran in 1974. Khan, whose family had migrated from Bhopal after Partition, offered his services to Islamabad, which was looking to acquire nuclear capability and compete with New Delhi, and joined the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission in 1976. A Dutch court later convicted him for stealing blueprints for making centrifuges and other components. Pakistan first detonated a bomb in 1998, days after India exploded a second device in Pokhran, though it was rumoured to have acquired it in the 1980s itself. Khan was feted by the Pakistani state and venerated by citizens for the feat.

Khan came to embody the stealth of Pakistan’s deep state that ignored the international norms and consensus on nuclear proliferation to pursue its goal of parity with India. He took the blame for proliferation to deflect the international opprobrium that came Islamabad’s way, though the last word on the matter is yet to be said.

Between now and December, the RBI hopes to sharply reduce such funds. If growth and inflation forecasts hold up, reverse repo rates are likely to go up in December, followed by repo rates in February.

Going into the fifth bi-monthly policy review of 2021, the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) of the Reserve Bank of India had its task cut out. Unlike several occasions in the past when the MPC unanimously decided on one side of the growth-inflation trade-off — repeatedly holding back interest rates and flooding the market with liquidity to kick-start economic recovery while soft-pedaling on inflation — the developments of the past few months have resulted in that consensus becoming elusive. Should the RBI tweak its stance from “accommodative” to “neutral”, thus rolling back its preference for supporting growth over containing inflation? Should it raise the repo rate (the interest rate RBI charges commercial banks when it lends money to them) to better manage inflation?

The MPC retained its forecast for GDP growth at 9.5 per cent for the current financial year and also projected a strong growth of 7.8 per cent for the next financial year (2022-23). On the inflation front, too, the news was sunny. The MPC dialled down its inflation forecast significantly from 5.7 per cent to 5.3 per cent for the current financial year. It is noteworthy, though, that the reduction is more a reflection of the lower inflation in the past couple of months while the RBI has not scaled back on the inflation forecast for the next two quarters (October to March). So, with inflation trending down and growth holding up, the MPC did what was predicted — it stayed the course on both repo rate and policy stance in order to do a tightrope walk between containing inflation while also supporting growth.

At the same time, however, it is clear that monetary policy is fast reaching a watershed after which interest rates will start going up. The governor also announced that the RBI will be using the reverse repo rate — the interest rate that banks earn when they park their funds with the RBI — to soak up the excess liquidity in the system. Commercial banks have been parking as much as Rs 9.5 lakh crore with the RBI and it suggests that this money is not being used to fund meaningful economic activity. If such high liquidity is not taken out of the system, it can only lead to asset price bubbles — such as high property prices. Between now and December, the RBI hopes to sharply reduce such funds. If growth and inflation forecasts hold up, reverse repo rates are likely to go up in December, followed by repo rates in February.

On its part, the Centre has, reportedly, sought to rework the norms for supply and storage of coal at power plants. Though this may help at the margins, the larger issues that ail the power sector in India linger on.

On Sunday, the coal ministry sought to assuage concerns over inadequate coal supplies for thermal power plants and dispel fears of disruptions in power supply across the country. This comes after several states had raised the issue of dwindling coal with the Union government. While the ministry has emphasised that there were sufficient stocks to meet the demand, over the past few months, coal stocks at thermal power plants across the country have been declining, and they remain below the buffer norms. As reported in this paper, around half of the major coal-based power plants that are closely monitored have less than three days’ worth of stocks as per data from the Central Electricity Authority. In Delhi, three of the plants supplying power had coal stocks for only one day. Power plants are required to hold 15-30 days of coal inventory. States facing power shortages have thus been forced to buy power at much higher rates on the exchanges. On October 10, the average market clearing price rose to Rs 13.3 per unit compared to Rs 4.08 a month ago. This situation, a throwback to the years of shortages, has in fact forced some discoms to urge their consumers to use “electricity judiciously”.

A combination of factors, operating in tandem, has resulted in this sharp demand-supply mismatch. First, on the supply side, with the rainy season stretching out this year, there has been a considerable delay in coal supplies returning to normal levels. Second, with economic activity being impacted during the second wave of the pandemic, coal stocks were not accumulated to the level required. Third, there has also been a sharp increase in the price of imported coal owing to a rise in global demand. This has complicated matters. On the demand side, the sharp pick-up in economic activities — large parts of the economy are operating near or exceeding their pre-pandemic levels — has led to an unanticipated surge in electricity demand. There are signs of the situation getting better. Coal dispatches are improving. On October 9, compared to a consumption of 1.87 million tonnes, 1.92 million tonnes of coal were dispatched to thermal power plants, up from 1.5 million tonnes at the beginning of the month. This points towards a build up in stocks.

This situation reflects poorly on Coal India, which is by far the largest supplier of coal to the power plants. It does not bode well that over the years Coal India’s production has barely kept pace. On its part, the Centre has, reportedly, sought to rework the norms for supply and storage of coal at power plants. Though this may help at the margins, the larger issues that ail the power sector in India linger on.

Javed Anand writes: It is fuelled when they are silent about the unsavoury words and deeds of some Muslim individuals and organisations.

If right-wing Hindus and right-wing Muslims are equally displeased with “elite Muslims” like Javed Akhtar and Naseeruddin Shah, they must be doing something right. In the latest salvo against them, A Faizur Rahman, a self-described moderate Muslim, accuses people like Akhtar and Naseeruddin Shah of fuelling Islamophobia, even if “unwittingly” (‘The Prejudice Within’, IE, October 4). That’s one way of saying they are being “anti-Islam”, “anti-Muslim”. Akhtar and Shah should perhaps be pleased with such labelling for this places them right in the company of liberal and progressive Hindus who are constantly targeted by right-wing Hindus for being “anti-Hindu”.

For Rahman, the original sins of Akhtar and Shah lie in signing a statement on the Taliban, along with over 150 other Indian Muslims, issued by “a Mumbai-based Muslim outfit”. (Full disclosure: the “outfit” in question is Indian Muslims for Secular Democracy [IMSD] of which this writer is the national convener). The statement had bemoaned the fact that “a section of Indian Muslims” were euphoric over the return of Taliban to power in Afghanistan. Rahman alleges that such “carelessly used phrases” end up “fuelling Islamophobic suspicions about the ideological moderateness of Indian Muslims.”

That’s curious logic coming from a person as well-read and well-informed as Rahman. No doubt, he has heard of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB), an umbrella body in which most Sunni religious bodies are represented. Rahman cannot be unaware of the Board’s consistent claim that unlike the “man-made” laws, Shariah laws are “God-given” and therefore immutable for all times. Unfortunately for the Board, in a country such as India, allegiance to Shariah laws must remain confined to a dogged defence of Muslim Personal Law. But the ideal remains an “Islamic state” governed by God-given laws.

The day they assumed power the Taliban declared that Afghanistan will not be a democracy but an “Islamic Emirate” run in accordance with Shariah laws. That was the specific context of the IMSD statement calling upon Indian Muslims to reject the Islamic Emirate in Afghanistan. The opening paragraph of the statement read: “Indian Muslims for Secular Democracy rejects the very idea of a theocratic state anywhere in the world. It therefore questions the legitimacy of the ‘Islamic Emirate’ the Taliban seek to impose…” Bemoaning the fact that “a section of Indian Muslims” were delighted with the Taliban’s capture of power, the statement added: “It is nothing but sheer opportunism and hypocrisy to stand in support of a secular state in a country like India where Muslims are in a minority and applaud the imposition of Shariah rule wherever they are in a majority. Such rank double-standard gives legitimacy to the sangh parivar’s agenda for a Hindu Rashtra”.

IMSD’s statement was issued following the statements of two top-level functionaries of the Board and the Jamaat-e-Islami organisation, as also the feedback IMSD received from grassroots-level Muslim activists from several parts of the country. Who other than Rahman will deny that an organisation such as the Board, which can bring out tens of thousands of Muslims on the streets across India, does speak for “a section of Indian Muslims”?

If Rahman is to be believed, it is not the return to power of the Taliban with its Islamic Emirate agenda, or the welcome statement by some Indian maulanas, which has fuelled Islamophobia, but the “carelessly used phrases” in the IMSD statement!

In his article Rahman cites former prime minister Manmohan Singh and prime minister Narendra Modi to establish that Muslim terror outfits have found hardly any takers among Indian Muslims. Isn’t he chasing a red herring? What does that have to do with anything said by Akhtar, Shah or IMSD? Who has argued that religious fundamentalism, intolerance, orthodoxy AND support to the idea of a theocratic state per se equals support to terrorism in the name of Islam? What has been said, and rightly so, is that there exists a striking similarity in the world-views of the religious right, irrespective of the faith they claim to speak for.

The growth of Islamophobia in India and across the globe should certainly be a matter of concern for not only Muslims but all right-thinking, peace-loving people. Equally, we need to beware of what some call the “phobia of Islamophobia” — a defence mechanism, a not-so-clever attempt to silence even rational criticism of Muslims or Islam, or the call for Muslim reform. Like charity, criticism must also begin at home.

Silence is not, cannot be an option for progressive Muslims for fear of feeding Islamophobia. If anything, the Islamophobes are forever asking the question: Why don’t moderate Muslims speak? The sad fact is that very few moderate Muslim voices were heard when in July 2013, the Chennai police cancelled the lecture tour of the African-American feminist Islamic scholar Amina Wadud at the last minute because some Muslim outfit threatened to protest. Very few moderate Muslim voices were heard when in 2000 the Raza Academy threatened to burn alive the Bangladeshi writer in exile, Taslima Nasreen if she “dared” enter Mumbai. Or when, for fear of losing Muslim votes, the Left Front government in West Bengal airlifted her to the then BJP-ruled Rajasthan in 2007.

What fuels Islamophobia is not when Muslims like Akhtar and Shah, or IMSD, speak out against the unsavoury words and deeds of some Muslim organisation or individual. It is the near silence of the moderate Muslims in such situations that is taken by Islamophobes as proof that “all Muslims are like that only”.

C Raja Mohan writes: With its economic weight, technological strength and normative power, the EU promises to enhance India’s quest for a multipolar world, rebalanced Indo-Pacific.

Last week’s in-person summit in Delhi was with the Danish prime minister, Mette Frederiksen. This was apt, since Europe looms so large in the Indian diplomatic agenda today and smaller European states draw unprecedented political attention from Delhi.

If the Danish encounter highlighted India’s immense possibilities with the smaller European countries, the prospects for larger strategic cooperation with the European collective have opened up with the articulation of a comprehensive Indo-Pacific strategy by the European Union last month. That Denmark, a country of barely six million people, can establish a significant green partnership with India, is a reminder that smaller countries of Europe have much to offer in India’s economic, technological, and social transformation.

If tiny Luxembourg brings great financial clout, Norway offers impressive maritime technologies, Estonia is a cyber power, Czechia has deep strengths in optoelectronics, Portugal is a window to the Lusophone world, and Slovenia offers commercial access to the heart of Europe through its Adriatic sea port at Koper. The list goes on. As India begins to realise this untapped potential, there are new openings with the 27-nation EU headquartered in Brussels.

That the EU’s Indo-Pacific strategy got little public attention in Delhi is part of the entrenched indifference to Europe in India’s foreign policy discourse. To be sure, the release of the EU’s approach to the Indo-Pacific was overshadowed by the controversial announcement of the AUKUS partnership on nuclear-powered submarines. The nuclear-powered submarines to be built by the US and UK for Australia won’t sail the waters of the Indo-Pacific for years to come; but that generated much, if pointless, excitement in Delhi. The EU’s Indo-Pacific strategy, hardly noticed in Delhi, is likely to have a much greater impact on the region more immediately and on a wider range of areas than military security. They range from trade and investment to green partnerships, the construction of quality infrastructure to digital partnerships, and from strengthening ocean governance to promoting research and innovation. Defence and security are important elements of the EU’s Indo-Pacific strategy that “seeks to promote an open and rules-based regional security architecture, including secure sea lines of communication, capacity-building and enhanced naval presence in the Indo-Pacific”.

For the first time since the European colonial powers retreated from Asia amidst the surge of nationalist movements in the middle of the 20th century, Europe is returning as a geopolitical actor to Asia and its waters — the Indo-Pacific if you will. But the context is very different. Few Asian countries view Europe with strategic suspicion. Many in Asia see Europe as a valuable partner. A survey earlier this year of policymakers and thought-leaders in the ASEAN region put the EU as the most trusted partner in the region after Japan and ahead of the US. China and India are way down the list.

As the deepening confrontation between the US and China begins to squeeze South East Asia, Europe is widely seen as widening the strategic options for the region. The perspective is similar in Delhi, which now sees Brussels as a critical element in the construction of a multipolar world. As External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar puts it, India’s strategy is to “engage America, manage China, cultivate Europe, reassure Russia, bring Japan into play”. For the students of Indian foreign policy, the command to “cultivate Europe” is certainly new.

The Cold War, which divided Europe into East and West, had distorted India’s perspective of the region. In the colonial era, both the nationalists and the princes developed a wide-ranging engagement with Europe. After independence, India viewed Western Europe as an extension of the US and saw Eastern Europe through Moscow’s eyes. As it tilted to the Soviet Union during the Cold War, India developed a political prickliness towards the western part of Europe and took the East for granted.

As Europe launched the bold experiment to construct a Union in the 1990s, Delhi had a different set of diplomatic priorities — salvaging a relationship with post-Soviet Russia, normalising relations with China, connecting with the US, and managing a more troubled relationship with nuclear Pakistan. This left little diplomatic bandwidth in Delhi to think strategically about Europe. Asked to explain his remarks on ‘cultivating Europe”, at the Bled Strategic Forum in Slovenia last month, Jaishankar admitted that Delhi did not devote adequate attention in the past to Brussels. He added that Delhi is now focused on developing a strong partnership with Brussels and engage all its 27 members — big and small — individually. Brussels has long been ready to dance with Delhi.

The EU outlined a strategy for India in 2018 to focus on four themes — sustainable economic modernisation, promotion of a rules-based order, foreign policy coordination, and security cooperation. At the summit in Portugal in May this year, the EU and India agreed to resume free trade talks and develop a new connectivity partnership that would widen options for the world beyond the Belt and Road Initiative. Above all, there is a recognition in both Delhi and Brussels that the India-EU strategic partnership is crucial for the rebalancing of the international system amidst the current global flux.

The clamour in Europe for “strategic autonomy” has certainly increased in the wake of AUKUS that pushed France out of its submarine deal with Australia. Washington has moved quickly to rebuild trust with Paris.

In a joint statement issued after talks with French President Emmanuel Macron, Joe Biden affirmed the “strategic importance of French and European engagement in the Indo-Pacific region, including in the framework of the European Union’s recently published strategy for the Indo-Pacific.” Whatever the specific circumstances of the AUKUS deal and its impact on France, the US wants all its partners, especially Europe, to contribute actively to the reconstitution of the Asian balance of power.

The EU strategy, in turn, sees room for working with the Quad in the Indo-Pacific, while stepping up security cooperation with a number of Asian partners, including India, Indonesia, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Singapore and Vietnam.

A stronger Europe with greater geopolitical agency is very welcome in Delhi. India is conscious that Europe can’t match America’s military heft in the Indo-Pacific. But it could help strengthen the military balance and contribute to regional security in multiple other ways. Delhi knows that Europe could significantly boost India’s capacity to influence future outcomes in the Indo-Pacific. It would also be a valuable complement to India’s Quad coalition with Australia, Japan and the United States.

It was Russia that defined India’s discourse on the multipolar world after the Cold War. Today, it is Europe — with its much greater economic weight, technological strength, and normative power — that promises to boost India’s own quest for a multipolar world and a rebalanced Indo-Pacific.

Rohan Kothari writes: Law on narcotics was amended in 2001 to focus on dealers, not users. The objective was to stop thinking of and treating the latter as hardened criminals, which they seldom are.

We need to get one thing straight — our law does not require that drug users be imprisoned. This applies also to persons found in possession of “small quantities” of contraband meant for personal consumption. They can be let off with a fine of no more than Rs 10,000. The objective of the law is to prevent proliferation of commerce in narcotics, not the debasement of drug users. But what we have seen happen recently is quite at odds with this mandate.

The pandemic saw a rise in drug-related arrests and seizures. The local police seemed to become more active in its pursuit not only of pushers and peddlers but even the lowly downstream user. Even the Home Minister of Karnataka proclaimed that as of July 2021, drug seizures in the state were higher than all seizures for the last five years combined.

However, there is no empirical evidence to suggest that the number of drug users has increased in the last two years. In fact, the latest report by the National Crime Records Bureau notes a decrease of more than 27 per cent in crimes related to personal consumption of drugs from 2019 to 2020. Even crimes related to drug trafficking have seen a drop of 2 per cent in the same period. This begs the question: Why have we suddenly become so preoccupied with the issue of prohibited substances? Narcotics have found a way into India through borders, ports, and the dark web for years now. Similarly, app-based aggregators and the postal service have been unwittingly used for minor drug deliveries for quite some time. In the absence of verifiable data, one can only surmise that what has changed — and drastically so — is the very approach of our law enforcement agencies to drug offences.

It seems to be that the unofficial official position of the police and the NCB is that “no seizure is too small”. The trouble with this approach is that it goes beyond what Parliament prescribed. Yes, the NDPS Act does provide for extraordinarily harsh sentences for those convicted of offences involving commerce of contraband. The Act also reverses the burden of proof and presumes guilt (rather than innocence) in some cases. But we seem to have forgotten that the same legislation provides for an immunity from prosecution to those who are dependent on drugs (through Section 64), and provides for the setting up of treatment facilities for addicts (through Section 71).

When the NDPS Act was introduced in 1985, there was no immunity from prosecution for addicts, and there was no real difference in its treatment of the user and the dealer. This changed in 2001, when the Act was significantly amended and redesigned to become more tolerant, and more appreciative of the distinction between a drug user and a drug dealer. The objective of the amendment was to stop thinking of and treating drug users as hardened criminals, which they seldom are. The law was recalibrated to focus on the bigger fish: Those who brought the contraband in, and those that facilitated its trade. Sadly, recent trends in law enforcement are making it clear that this recalibration is being ignored.

It is now routine to arrest those suspected of drug consumption, and those even in possession of quantities meant for personal use. In many cities, individuals are being subjected to drug tests without an order of a competent court, rendering the right against self-incrimination almost futile. It has fallen on the judiciary to continuously remind our law enforcement authorities that the ability to arrest does not mean that an arrest should always be made. Cameras are zoomed in on high-profile detainees. Law officers are fighting tooth and nail to obtain custody of individuals suspected merely of drug consumption. In such a situation, those without privileges stand to lose much of their liberty, despite the legislature having decided that they should not have to.

Whether this recent doggedness in pursuing drug offences is a matter of policy or political posturing is yet unclear. We can, however, be certain that it is not what our democratic process of lawmaking envisioned.

Dharmakirti Joshi writes: The central bank will continue to be tolerant of inflation until the economy is on surer footing.

The Monetary Policy Committee of the RBI kept the benchmark policy rates unchanged, and retained the accommodative stance in its October review. As expected, the policy statement was dovish. Clearly, Mint Road doesn’t as yet want to call the ongoing recovery sustainable. As a corollary, it will tend to be tolerant of inflation till the Covid-19 pandemic abates significantly, and there is a broad-basing of recovery.

It’s important to remember that monetary policy these days is influenced by both local macroeconomic developments and the global monetary policy direction, with the former playing a dominant role. Locally, after the second wave of the pandemic, a variety of indicators such as the Purchasing Managers Index (manufacturing and services), mobility indicators, government tax collections, exports and imports are pointing at an improvement in economic activity. CRISIL estimates real GDP growth at 9.5 per cent for the current fiscal. And nominal GDP growth is forecasted to be much higher at 17 per cent because of elevated inflation.

Then there is the good news on the monsoon front. With a late pick-up in rains, the cumulative deficiency in this monsoon season has come down to just 1 per cent of the long-period average (LPA). Moreover, sowing is now at 102 per cent of normal levels. Despite uneven spatial distribution and some damage from late rains, there is no indication of a major letdown. The average live storage at reservoirs has crossed the decadal average and reached 80 per cent of capacity. This augurs well for rabi crops, which depend on irrigation. Consequently, we expect agricultural GDP to grow by 3 per cent this fiscal.

To be sure, since the MPC’s August 2021 policy review, Covid-19 cases have trended down and there has been admirable progress on the vaccination front. But there is no room for complacency — the virus is down, but certainly not out. The global experience, even in sufficiently vaccinated economies, shows that vaccines blunt the virus but do not defeat it — at least, not yet. The intensity of the third wave remains a key risk to growth and wellbeing for the rest of this fiscal.

Also, despite high year-on-year growth numbers, the level of economic activity this fiscal will only be 1.5 per cent above 2019-2020. Both investment and private consumption remain weak. But there are some other disconcerting trends too.

To be sure, the government is doing its part. Capital expenditure of both the Centre and states is on track to meet the budgetary commitment, supported by healthy tax collections. And large companies in industrial sectors such as steel, cement, non-ferrous metals are operating at healthy utilisation levels, and have deleveraged their balance sheets.

But the going is not so good for the smaller ones. An analysis by CRISIL Research shows that last fiscal, utilisation at India’s top five steel makers was 81 per cent on average compared to 62 per cent for the rest. For the top five cement makers, it was 71 per cent vs 54 per cent for the rest. Brownfield investments are being done by the larger companies. Clearly, smaller companies need policy support. The extension of the Emergency Credit Line Guarantee Scheme is a recognition of that.

Private consumption is not broad-based either. Even in goods consumption, which is faring better than services, the nature of demand seems skewed towards relatively higher-value items such as cars and utility vehicles (now getting hit by semiconductor shortages). On the other hand, demand for lower-ticket items such as two-wheelers remains subdued. This probably reflects the income dichotomy spawned by the pandemic. And also, while year-on-year growth in ACs, TVs, washing machines may be in double digits this fiscal, it is unlikely to cross the 2019-2020 levels.

As for inflation, its fall to 5.3 per cent in August offers only limited comfort for two reasons. One, core and fuel inflation, which have 54 per cent weightage in CPI, remain stubbornly high and will stay so for a few more quarters given the rise in crude oil prices, the continuing supply disruptions, and the spike in freight costs.

Second, food prices have nudged down overall inflation. The high base effect in food items will be at play till the end of 2021 and after that, non-food inflation will come down as supply-side disruptions ease. This seems to underlie the RBI’s reduction of the CPI forecast to 5.3 per cent from 5.7 per cent for the ongoing year.

Domestic growth-inflation dynamics suggest that the RBI has little option but to remain more tolerant of persistent price pressures, and hope that these will eventually prove transitory because they have been primarily driven by supply shocks caused by the pandemic.

Globally, the monetary policy environment is veering towards normalisation/tapering/interest-rate rise largely due to an upward surprise in inflation, or because some central banks feel the objectives of quantitative easing have been met. Central banks in advanced economies such as Norway, Korea and New Zealand have recently raised rates, while those in Australia, Sweden, and the UK have trimmed their asset purchases. Emerging countries, particularly those that follow inflation targeting, have started raising rates. The two systemically important central banks — the US Federal Reserve (Fed) and the European Central Bank (ECB) — view the current spike in inflation as fleeting and have communicated greater tolerance for it for a longer period. While the Fed has advanced its tapering timeline, the ECB seems in no hurry.

We believe the process of mopping up excess liquidity will slowly gain pace over the next few months, followed by a policy rate hike sometime around early 2022. By then, there should be enough clarity on the third wave and the stance of the Fed and the ECB, who would be holding their review meetings in mid-December this year.

Kelsey Jack, Namrata Kala, Rohini Pande, Seema Jayachandran write: An effective policy solution will be one that takes into account their preferred method and recognises that they are making a financial calculation.

In a few weeks, millions in India will breathe much more polluted air as farmers across northern India burn stubble to clear fields for the winter wheat sowing season. It is both a health and an environmental hazard that repeats every year — one that a 2018 Lancet study found to be the number one reason for premature deaths in India. Cash payments — despite failed past attempts — remain a promising way to address this health emergency in the short run.

Annually, Indian farmers set some 92 million tonnes of crop residues on fire. Many are aware of the health costs to themselves and others. But they are caught between a rock and a hard place. Rules delaying onset of paddy sowing means later harvesting, leaving a short interval for field clearing. And financially strapped farmers often can’t afford other methods of crop residue management.

In this setting, imposing and collecting fines for burning is not viable. Politically, penalising farmers who face financial distress is unlikely to pass muster especially in the run-up to state elections. Instead, based on a recent study, we see the potential in providing farmers financial incentives to not burn.

We studied crop residue management in 171 villages in Punjab in 2019 and ran a randomised evaluation of a cash payment programme through J-PAL South Asia that rewarded farmers who did not burn their paddy stubble in kharif 2019.

Our study revealed four important lessons for policy. The first two are about how farmers view the decision to burn and the other two are about how cash transfers can help.

First, farmers perceive the alternatives to burning as too expensive, even though the central government has subsidised equipment for crop residue management. For them, the subsidies have not changed the calculus that moving away from burning hurts their bottom line.

Second, farmers state a preference for ex-situ management equipment such as balers over in-situ machinery such as the Happy Seeder and the Super SMS: They prefer to remove the paddy stubble from the field rather than working it into the field.

The good news is that the cash transfers we offered succeeded in getting some farmers to switch from burning to residue management, in no small part because they began to change the financial calculus and allowed farmers to use the removal method they preferred.

The third lesson that emerged from our study pertains to the best format of cash transfers: It was critical to offer some of the payment upfront. In principle, one could ask the farmer to manage stubble without burning, verify that, and then pay him only afterwards. However, this approach did not work in our study. Cash rewards worked only if a portion of the payment was given at the beginning.

Why is partial upfront payment essential? One reason is that it builds trust. Without it, farmers do not trust that they will get the promised payment afterwards. It also gives farmers some financial cushion given they need to pay for the equipment rental. They need cash to manage the stubble, so providing it to them after they have demonstrated they managed it properly is too late.

The final lesson is that the rewards farmers are offered need to cover their costs of managing stubble without burning. In our study, we offered Rs 800 per acre to most farmers, which accounted for about a quarter of the costs of equipment rental. That sufficed to get some farmers to change behaviour — the programme succeeded in reducing burning. But the majority of farmers who were offered that payment level still burned their paddy stubble. The problem was that they were still being expected to cover the remaining costs themselves — upwards of Rs 2,000 per acre.

Our study results suggest that a subsidy of about Rs 2,500 per acre should be able to achieve a marked reduction in burning. This was the amount the states of Punjab and Haryana had planned to pay farmers in 2019. Widespread health benefits mean that subsidising the entire cost for farmers to make the switch away from burning their paddy stubble is worth it for society.

In light of these four lessons, there are different ways forward in dealing with the issue of crop burning in the short run.
First, of course, the government could restart conditional cash payments. Our study shows that this strategy can work, if the policy is designed correctly.

Other options are also on the table, though it will be important to test both the design and impact of these options to ensure they actually reduce burning.

The government can subsidise ex-situ equipment. Policies that may reap benefits in the longer run include further encouraging the operation of biogas plants, which could reduce the net cost of ex-situ management because farmers can sell the crop residue, or to encourage innovation of new, much cheaper and more appealing farm equipment for in-situ management.

An effective policy solution will be one that takes into account farmers’ preferred method of crop residue management (ex-situ right now) and recognises that they are making a financial calculation.

Testing effectiveness before these policies are scaled up is important for avoiding spending on things that don’t work.

Finding effective ways to make farmers prefer crop residue management to burning would bring large gains to society: The budget allocation to such policies will pay for themselves many times over with improved health and economic productivity for everyone.

Less than a month after Delhi police busted a terror module backed by Pakistan’s Inter-Service Intelligence, which was reportedly planning to set off bombs in various parts of the country during the festival season, its special cell has arrested a terrorist of Pakistani nationality. Both cases have seen multi-state operations and importantly this is in the backdrop of the rise of targeted killings of minorities in Kashmir. Security forces over there also experienced their deadliest incident this year, with at least five army personnel killed in gun battles with militants yesterday.

Notwithstanding the decline in big-ticket terror attacks, these are signs of Pakistan-backed terror build-up that need to be countered by security agencies with renewed alertness.

The terrorists’ underlying logic as always is to weaken the fabric of society via weakening faith in the state. In this regard, while the security solution is critical, so is societal cohesion. Religious polarisation took a terrible toll on the country through the turn of the nineties, from Punjab to Kashmir. Calming those conflicts took sensible politics and people’s participation. That lesson of history is very important.

The year’s economics Nobel award has been split between three economists. David Card got one half of it for his empirical contribution to labour economics. The remaining 50% has been jointly awarded to Joshua Angrist and Guido Imbens for their methodological contribution to teasing out the cause and effect of natural experiments, or situations in the real world that resemble randomised experiments. In the age of big data, it’s an acknowledgment of their work over decades that catalysed improvements in methods to make sense of masses of information. If policy is to be driven by evidence, the three winners made handy contributions to building its foundation.

Card arguably has made the biggest contribution. In 1993, Card and Alan Krueger used a natural experiment in the US to show that an increase in minimum wage did not have a negative impact on employment, a finding that challenged conventional wisdom. The blowback left an “extremely bad taste”, admitted Card. But the study did catalyse work on plausible explanations that didn’t necessarily undermine conventional wisdom. It led to a greater understanding of less visible costs that employers consider, like costs of training new employees.

The combined effort of Card, Angrist and Imbens built on rudimentary work done by an earlier generation to uncover causal relationships based on observations that occur in real life. Advances in this strand of knowledge cannot be overemphasised because mixing correlation with causation often leads to poor policy choices. Another reason their work is important is that often it’s not possible to rely on randomised control trials, the gold standard in this area. Like the study by Card on the impact of immigration on the labour market in the US that showed low-skilled immigrants don’t depress wages for existing workers.

Also, to be noted is that policy choices are not just affected by confusion between correlation and causation. They may also be adversely influenced by an oversimplified extrapolation of research, particularly when it fits a preconceived notion. That is the subtext of the decades-long work of this year’s winners.

We should worry about India’s tradition-bound society not changing fast enough. Our politicians, however, worry that it is changing too fast, and they do not let facts stand in the way of their denunciations of modernity. It is in this mode that Karnataka health minister K Sudhakar has strangely put the blame of weakening of social ties, such as he sees them, at the doorstep of the decline of joint families and the rise of westernisation, specially in the form of “lots of modern women” deciding to stay single, or unwilling to have children even if they get married.

Despite a declining birth rate, Unicef has estimated that 67,385 children were born in India on New Year’s Day, not only higher than any other country but also 17% of worldwide births. So, no, Indian women are by no means shirking that “duty”. For changing attitudes to marriage the Lokniti-CSDS-KAS 2007 and 2016 surveys of 15-34-year-olds are a useful guide. The percentage of married youth did indeed decline in this period – but by 2 percentage points among women vs 9 among men!

The fever of witch-hunting in early modern Europe was about finding convenient scapegoats for society’s challenges and also about a kind of market competition among different churches. Today, one neta projects a collective decline upon the bodies of single and childless women, others single out women in ripped jeans, question why a murdered woman was out “all by herself till 3am at night”, make light of rape as “boys will be boys”, and so on. The political currency of sexism and misogyny is in strong circulation.

Obviously, all this is of no help whatsoever in building a stronger society. When boys see their fathers abuse their mothers, they tend to perpetuate the pattern unless they encounter alternative models. On the same principle, public figures should spend less time railing against “modern women” and more sharing how they themselves help their wives with housework and children with homework and daughters with freedoms. Fears of independent/powerful women should be shared with therapists, not broadcast from public forums.

Raise petrol and diesel prices as much as you want, adding slab after padded slab of tax to their prices, but keep power prices rigidly low, never mind if these break the financial back of power utilities, make them run up dues to power generators and impose a heavy debt burden on the state governments that borrow on their behalf. Ending rigidity of power prices is the first step to ending coal shortage.

The Union government says that there is enough coal, three days' requirements, on average at India's thermal power plants. That does not change the fact that this average supply does not materialise at every plant - some survive hand-to-mouth, or, to look at the bright side, with just-in-time supplies of the fuel. The norm is three weeks' stocks. At the root of the shortage that now threatens load-shedding is Indian politicians' obsession that power must be cheap. Raise petrol and diesel prices as much as you want, adding slab after padded slab of tax to their prices, but keep power prices rigidly low, never mind if these break the financial back of power utilities, make them run up dues to power generators and impose a heavy debt burden on the state governments that borrow on their behalf. Ending rigidity of power prices is the first step to ending coal shortage.

Instal smart meters, have time-of-day tariffs that rise during hours of high demand and fall when demand abates. On a longer-term basis, institute open access, so that industry can buy reliable power, paying higher prices that would still be lower than their own captive generation. Restructure all fixed tariffs as dual tariffs, so that fuel costs can be passed through, instead of forcing some power plants dependent on imported coal to stop producing, crying force majeure, having bid unsustainably low tariffs to win orders. Stipulate a penalty they must pay to switch over to flexible tariffs that pass fuel price through. There is no power as costly as no power. Right now, global gas supplies are strained, thanks to depletion of reserves in the US and Europe, thanks to severe, extended cold spells in the winter and extra-hot summers and droughts that shrivelled hydel generation. Step up generation of gas and hydrogen from coal, capture the accompanying CO2 and sequester it.

Of course, now that the rains are over, Coal India and captive mines can step up output. Give them export-parity prices. As power prices go up, slash taxes on petro-fuels, to get the politics right.

The RBI guidelines call for simple, transparent and comparable securities, to step up demand from wider pools of capital like insurance and pension funds to invest in securitisation of long-maturity loan products, say, housing.

It is welcome that the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) has issued its Master Directions for securitisation of standard assets of banks (read: loans). securitisation is a market mechanism to convert illiquid loans on the lenders' balance sheet into tradable debt securities, prudential norms for which are vital for an active, liquid and broad-based domestic corporate bond market.

The RBI guidelines call for simple, transparent and comparable securities, to step up demand from wider pools of capital like insurance and pension funds to invest in securitisation of long-maturity loan products, say, housing. Listing of securitisation notes, especially for residential mortgage-backed securities, is recommended, and the norms mandate listing when securities are sold to 50 or more investors. There are extensive origination standards, including minimum retention requirement, so as to ensure that loan originators have a continuing stake in the performance of the securitised assets, and they carry out due diligence in loan approval and follow through.

Securitisation involves pooling of loans and selling them to a special purpose entity (SPE), which then issues pass-through certificates (PTC). And the norms stipulate that any transaction between an originator and an SPE be 'strictly on an arm's length basis,' with no ownership, proprietary or beneficial interest involved. Besides, the originator is not to exercise control over the SPE, either directly or indirectly. Further, the guidelines call for credit enhancement facilities to provide additional financial support for securitisation. Surely, a functional Credit Guarantee Enhancement Corporation of India brooks no delay. India's infrastructure hopes rest on creating a vibrant corporate debt market.

Durga Puja is celebrated across India in various forms, but there is no Pujo like the one marked in West Bengal, home to perhaps the world’s largest public arts carnival during the festive season. With a dip in Covid-19 cases and positive market sentiment, Bengal’s economy is hoping to make a strong comeback, riding on the ten-day festival that is as much a cultural marker as a religious one. A recently released British Council report, Mapping the Creative Economy around Durga Puja 2019, pegged the total economic worth of the creative industries around the festival (pre-pandemic) at an estimated 32,377 crore annually, which is 2.58% of Bengal’s GSDP. The study evaluated 10 creative industries (for example, installation, art and decoration, idol-making, lighting and illumination, literature and publishing, and others) that drive Durga Puja and provide employment and income to artists and artisans labourers. The report estimated at that at least 36,000 community pujas are held across the state.

What sets Durga Puja apart from many other similar large-format festivals across the country, such as Diwali in the North, Pongal in the South, Ganesh Puja in the West, and Bihu in the Northeast, is not just its economic impact, but its unique theme pandals (something seen to a much lesser scale in the golus or kolus of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka where dolls are displayed on the nine days of Navaratri). This year, in Bengal, many socio-economic and environment-related themes have been on display: From the nationwide farm protests to Lakhimpur Kheri to demonstrations against the National Register of Citizens to Cyclone Yaas to “Khela Hobe”, pandals capture almost all pressing issues of the day. Theme pujas are not restricted just to Kolkata; they are also gaining a foothold in the rural areas. Other than, of course, these theme pandals being huge crowd pullers (the competition among clubs is intense) and works of art, these pandals are also an attempt to deliver a message that has relevance beyond the pujas.

During the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (Sars) outbreak of 2003, a high prevalence of depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and sleep disorders were noted among health care workers.

Nearly a decade later, similar mental health conditions were reported by health care workers who volunteered in the West African Ebola outbreak, and nearly two-thirds of the medical staff during the initial stages of the Middle-East Respiratory Syndrome (Mers) outbreak reported PTSD-like symptoms, according to various studies.

The occupational burnout

During the Covid-19 pandemic, a systematic review across 21 countries found a high prevalence of moderate depression, anxiety, and PTSD among health care workers. Understanding that frontline health workers — who take public health emergencies head-on — are vulnerable to poor mental health doesn’t require hard evidence, but historical insight and a bit of common sense. However, this understanding has been slow to percolate into the Indian health policy arena.

The vulnerability to poor mental health is not an exclusive feature of pandemics and disasters. Even when adjusting for age, sex, relationship status, and the number of working hours, physicians are at an increased risk for occupational burnout compared to other working individuals.

However, these aren’t the greatest of concerns. Some psychiatrists have presented anecdotes about how the number of people — not working in health care — seeking help for their mental health didn’t rise during the pandemic. One could ascribe this to factors such as a general lack of awareness about mental health, the associated stigma, and the health services disruption caused by Covid-19.

Again, the situation with health care workers is even more grim. Evidence indicates alarmingly low help-seeking behaviour among public health workers who perceive themselves to be affected with probable mental health conditions.

This has been attributed to a range of factors, including stigma, potentially deleterious career implications, poor social support, and job-related constraints. The situation among Covid-19 warriors is likely to be worse, given India’s manpower shortage and the disruption of the already frail mental health care infrastructure.

And these are the first of many, since a large chunk of the mental illness burden could present over the long-term, possibly much after the pandemic has subsided.

Little systematic attention has gone into the mental health of health care workers in India, and the pandemic has not significantly altered this tendency. However, with the pandemic now appearing to be receding, it is high time India pulled up its socks. The immediate post-pandemic period is likely to be crucial in inculcating mental health resilience among health care providers, while engendering a cultural shift in mental health care.

The economics of mental health

The economic justification is compelling enough to galvanise us into action, for not investing enough in the mental health of health workers is a potentially disastrous health policy decision. Such considerations become more acute in the Indian context, which is plagued by perennial human resource shortages and poor general health infrastructure.

Moreover, mental health investments promise high returns. Some estimates indicate that every dollar spent on evidence-based care for depression and anxiety returns $5. Such returns are likely to be higher when directed towards health care workers, who in turn cater for the population’s health, creating a positive domino effect. Further, as a developing nation, even small additional investments in mental health are likely to yield large gains in terms of improved mental health of the whole population.

Responsiveness towards people is one of the major intrinsic goals of health systems — a yardstick to measure the performance of health systems. The responsiveness towards the needs of health care providers must, therefore, become part of the goal-performance framework.

All hands on deck

For this to happen, the health care provider needs to find a more emphatic voice in matters of decision-making at all levels, beyond just matters concerning their remuneration and professional regulation.

In the Indian context, various approaches of self-care, psycho-social support, and stigma-reduction for health care workers must be incorporated as part of the organisational culture of health care institutions, be it through policy or legislative instruments.

Pan-sector advocacy, in which every segment of the health care sector contributes to the improved mental health of healthcare workers, is imperative. There is simply no alternative to strengthening the general health care system in the public sector.

Developing countries such as India are looking at a significant shortfall of health human resources over this decade. Let us not ignore another disaster in the making.

The Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) on the Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019 is back in action. Twenty-one months after it was set up, the JPC is reportedly drafting a fresh report under the newly appointed Chairperson PP Chaudhary.

This is an opportunity for the JPC to relook at the proposed Data Protection Authority (DPA) under the Bill, whose structural independence and functional competence will be central to India’s data governance and will have huge ramifications for the growth of India’s digital economy.

According to the 2019 draft of the Bill, the DPA is proposed to be a seven-member body appointed by a “Selection Committee” composed solely of three top-level central bureaucrats. The Centre has a virtual monopoly on appointments to the DPA and can also remove any member on various grounds. The absence of any representation either from the judiciary, as the Justice Srikrishna Committee had suggested, or from the Opposition, in the Selection Committee, exacerbates the influence of the central government. Most worryingly, the central government can issue binding directions to the DPA under clause 86, which many have rued as eroding any semblance of independence enjoyed by the DPA.

From an industry perspective, the potential for the central government’s interference does not bode well for policy certainty and ease of doing business. Given the present structure, the government’s political dispensation is likely to influence rulemaking by the DPA which will affect stakeholder confidence and investor sentiment over time.

This becomes even more relevant as the DPA is charged with functions which can change the scope of data regulation significantly through executive action, without bringing these debates to the Parliament. For instance, the DPA can issue regulations specifying “reasonable purposes” for processing of personal data without consent, mechanisms for taking consent, codes of practice to promote compliance, security safeguards and transparency requirements to be implemented by businesses, and so on. In addition, it will also conduct inquiries upon receiving complaints and take appropriate action under the Bill, in effect acting as a quasi-judicial body.

While this delegation of power is necessary to ensure regulation keeps pace with technological innovation, the Bill lacks clearly defined consultation procedure for issuing new regulations and directions. Clause 50 in the Bill mandates that the DPA holds consultations with sectoral regulators and other stakeholders before specifying codes of practice; however, no such corresponding requirement exists for other regulations and directions.

Also, since consultations can be sometimes performative in nature, we need a well-defined procedure to make consultations more transparent, such as publishing the inputs received. DPA should also provide detailed rationale for new rules and directions and publish its orders to record its reasons and develop data governance jurisprudence over time. This will help organisations in the data ecosystem to bake these aspects into their “Privacy by design” principles over time.

Finally, DPA in its current form is expected to micro-manage the implementation of the Bill and is overburdened with routine functions. For example, one of its key functions is to monitor cross-border transfers of personal data. Each transfer of sensitive personal data outside India by a data fiduciary must be approved by the DPA, even if the data principal consents to such transfer and processing. These transfers may be done pursuant to a contract, an intra-group scheme, or otherwise be allowed by the DPA for any specific purpose. This oversized role for the DPA is anachronistic in today’s globalised world, where businesses regularly transfer data across jurisdictions to innovate and develop their products. It also downplays the vitality of individual consent, which is seemingly the bedrock of the PDP Bill, 2019.

Instead, the DPA can publicise and encode best practices in the Codes of Practice for intra group cross border data flows, which can organically become an industry practice, and take action only in cases of violations.

In 2019, India was in the 48th percentile out of 214 countries in the World Bank’s Regulatory Quality Index, posing questions on its ability to “formulate and implement sound policies and regulations that permit and promote private sector development”. A weak Data Protect Authority, a likely super-regulator, given the size and scale of data usage across industries, can risk India’s reputation in this regard further.

The Joint Parliamentary Committee must take cognisance of the far-reaching impact of these issues and lay the foundation of a robust institution that is transparent, competent, independent, predictable and not-overzealous in its rulemaking.

American foreign policy towards South Asia is evolving at a much faster rate than most commentators comprehend. Structural shifts in the international order have ensured that even otherwise recalcitrant bureaucracies in both United States (US) and India are responding to this moment with alacrity. This is an opportunity for New Delhi to make the most of a strategic opening in bilateral ties.

A lot of the debate in India, post-Afghanistan, has been about the possibility of Washington trying to find a new modus vivendi with Islamabad, once again potentially marginalising Indian sensitivities. But this is a profound misreading of the way in which the American political establishment now looks at Pakistan. The United States (US) deputy secretary of state, Wendy Sherman’s visit to South Asia last week should offer a timely corrective to some of the myths prevailing in Indian strategic thinking.

Sherman made three important interventions.

One, she reiterated that the US won’t go back to the India-Pakistan hyphenation in its regional outreach. “We [the US] don’t see ourselves building our broad relationship with Pakistan and we have no interest in returning to the days of a hyphenated India, Pakistan. That’s not where we are, that’s not where we are going to be,” said Sherman, once again acknowledging that Pakistan is no longer an anchor in Washington’s priorities. That she said she was going to Pakistan for a “very specific and narrow purpose” was a reflection of how developments in Afghanistan are now shaping the US-Pakistan engagement.

Two, it is clear policymakers in Washington and New Delhi are working together to manage the externalities emanating from a Talibanised Afghanistan. Sherman said, “US profoundly appreciates India’s concerns about the potential of terrorism to spill over from Afghanistan into the wider region.” In that regard, she also underlined that she would be sharing information from her trip to Islamabad with New Delhi, as “we share information back and forth between our governments.”

This close coordination on the evolving ground realities in Afghanistan is to be welcomed and has been a longstanding demand in India. The joint statement issued after Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s meeting with US President Joe Biden and the joint statement of the Quad summit both acknowledged Indian concerns centred around preventing Afghanistan from becoming a safe haven for terrorists targeting other nations. As Pakistan pitches for global support for the Taliban, the US is signalling that it has no intention of moving in that direction. Arguing that “so far they [the Taliban] have fallen short of their commitments,” Sherman maintained that “none of us will take the Taliban at their word going forward. Their words must be followed by action to prevent reprisals, build an inclusive government, allow women to work, girls to get their education and much more to end any possible terrorism.”

Three, while de-hyphenating India and Pakistan, Sherman made it a point to remark on the real story of our times — the rise of China and India and its profound implications for the global order. “India’s incredible rise over the last decades has been enabled by the rules-based international order. So too has the People’s Republic of China’s. But the two countries have taken very different paths,” Sherman suggested. In the context of Beijing trying to alter the status quo in its favour through bullying and coercing weaker states, the importance of the US-India partnership becomes even more salient. In the Indo-Pacific, this partnership has grown both in bilateral and multilateral configurations, with Quad being one of the most discussed platforms.

In India, the strategic community has tied itself up in knots in trying to deconstruct Quad and AUKUS. But policymakers in Washington and New Delhi seem much clearer in the way they see the two groupings and their roles. In the maritime geography of the Indo-Pacific, multiple frameworks and platforms will be needed to ensure that regional stability is maintained.

This is a transformative period in the US-India relationship. New Delhi should be more self-confident in its ability to shape the trajectory of this engagement.

Harsh V Pant is director, Studies, and head, Strategic Studies Programme, ORF

The 26th meeting of the Conference of the Parties (COP26) is now barely three weeks away, and the temperature for the negotiations is heating up. The developed world, led by the United States (US) and the United Kingdom (UK), is pushing to secure commitments of net-zero greenhouse gases (GHG) emissions by 2050 from all nations, individually.

Net-zero by 2050 as a global goal must be discussed seriously and tallied with the science. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has underscored that unless immediate and ambitious climate actions to reduce GHG emissions are taken, the earth’s temperature is set to rise to about 2.7 degrees Celsius by the end of the century. But the goal must operate as per the principles of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), including equity and common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR), and respective capabilities.

Net-zero by 2050 by all countries individually seeks to bury the basic climate burden-sharing principle of differentiation. It may further hit climate justice through the iniquitous use of the remaining carbon budget, irrespective of whether we set the limits of temperature rise by the end of the century at 2 degrees or 1.5 degrees Celsius. If the developed world has bowled a googly of net-zero by 2050 by all, the developing world may have to play either with a straight bat or use the reverse sweep, by demanding a net-negative emissions commitment by the developed world well before 2050 — for there can be no global net-zero unless they do this first.

According to a UNFCCC assessment, limiting the global average temperature increase to the Paris goal of 2 degrees Celsius by the end of this century requires a 25% reduction in GHG emissions by 2030. The aspiration of limiting the rise to only 1.5 degrees Celsius raises this level to a 45% reduction in 2030 compared to 2010. The Nationally Determined Commitments (NDCs) under the Paris Accord of all 191 parties taken together will result in a 16% increase in global GHG emissions in 2030 compared to 2010. However, the revised NDCs of 113 parties may see emissions reductions of 26% by 2030 compared to 2010.

Interestingly, even the huge pandemic-induced downturn saw no let-up in the adverse impact of the climate crisis, underscoring the criticality of adaptation. While platitudes about making Glasgow the Adaptation COP abound, there is a likelihood of mere lip service being paid to adaptation again. NDCs, covering both mitigation and adaptation, need to be revised and in an upward direction by all countries, more so the developed world, which also needs to meet its commitments on climate finance.

At a recent pre-COP-26 event hosted by Italy, the key message was for large developing countries individually to sign up to net-zero by 2050. The message was clearly aimed at China, India, Brazil and South Africa (BASIC) plus Russia, Turkey, Indonesia and Saudi Arabia. Indeed, they are all clubbed as major emitters, even though India can hardly be called that given that its per capita emissions are just about half of the global average and its levels of GHG emissions have little in common with China and the others. Apart from the major countries in the developed world, the charge was also led by small island-States and least-developed countries, identified as groupings of the vulnerable.

The Energy and Climate Intelligence Unit (UK) has a website tracking the “race” to net zero. It lists Surinam and Bhutan as having already achieved it. Twelve countries plus the European Union (as a bloc) have enshrined it in law, while three have legislation in progress. Forty-three countries, including China (which has declared a 2060 timeline) are noted as countries that have mentioned it in policy documents, while another 80 have it in the discussion process. This includes India and Russia.

Interestingly, only five countries have net-zero targets before 2050: Finland (2035); Austria (2040); Iceland (2040); Germany (2045); Sweden (2045), and of these, just Germany and Sweden have these in law, while the other three have the targets mentioned in the policy document. Moreover, among the 43 is the US, where internal politics leaves the question of significant domestic action on climate quite open.

Climate negotiations are just not about the environment or even energy security. They are, in fact, strategic negotiations where the pulls and pressures of international linkages see their full play and governmental decisions need to be calibrated to take all these factors into account. For a country such as India, which has taken on huge green commitments, especially on renewables, but with a real per capita income of just around $2,000, development itself is, perhaps, the most critical imperative and can hardly be delinked from its climate agenda. It is also critical for meeting the imperatives of adaptation. India’s leadership in upholding climate justice and the development imperatives of developing countries is a must.

Manjeev Singh Puri is a former ambassador who has served as India’s climate negotiator and is a distinguished fellow, TERI

New Delhi: Rakesh Kumar was 58 years old when he lost his job at a cloth factory, and was looking for work. He saw an advertisement on an electric pole put up by a private security agency looking to hire guards. He made a call to the number, was asked to come for an interview the next day, and was hired.

Did he get any training?

“They taught me how to use firefighting equipment on the job and told me that I should talk politely to people, not much else. I left the job a couple of months later as there were long working hours, and joined this company, ” says Kumar, who currently works at a wine shop in Mayur Vihar. “No one would have hired me at this age for any other job, otherwise I would not want to do this at my age,” he said.

More (untrained) guards than cops

Kumar is not the only untrained guard. According to the Central Association of Private Security Industry (CAPSI), India currently has about nine million security guards, and about half of them are untrained. It is a worrying situation in a country where private security guards far outnumber police officers.

Research by The Guardian, published in 2017, said there were an estimated seven million private security workers in India compared to 1.4 million police officers — the highest disparity in the world. According to Freedonia, a business research agency, the private security industry is likely to grow at a compounded annual growth rate (CAGR) of nearly 15% to reach 1.6 lakh crore by 2024, doubling from 80,000 crore in 2019.

This growing demand means that many unlicensed private security agencies continue to mushroom. Kunwar Vikram Singh, chairman, CAPSI, says that India has about 23,000 private security agencies, and roughly 50% of them are unlicensed. “And 50% of 9 million guards would be untrained. Most of the untrained guards are hired by unlicensed security agencies,” Singh said. “At the heart of the problem is the most states have failed to strictly enforce the Private Security Agencies Regulation Act (PSARA), 2005.”

The Act, passed in 2007, prescribes the eligibility for a licence for a private security agency and eligibility to become a security guard. New model rules were created by the Union ministry of home affairs in December last year. According to the 2007 Act, a guard must undergo 162 hours of training. This includes conduct in the public; adhering to the dress code (a uniform); physical fitness training; learning the security of the buildings/apartments, personnel security protocols; firefighting; crowd control; and identification of improvised explosive devices, among others.

But talk to guards across Delhi and most of them will tell you that they have not undergone training as prescribed under the law. “All they taught me was how to salute and talk politely to the residents of the housing society I work in, and how to use the firefighting equipment installed in the building,” says Sumit Kumar, 32, a security guard in Noida.

The fault of the agencies

In 2019, Delhi’s home department released a public notice which highlighted the prevalence of unlicensed private security agencies in the Capital. Among other things, the letter said, “It has been observed that [the] number of private security agencies are operating without obtaining requisite licence… individuals engaged as security professionals are also not being provided proper training as per the prescribed syllabus.”

According to an industry estimate, Delhi has about 4,000 private security agencies and about 400,000 private security guards. The gap in the training of private security guards can also be gauged from the massive gap between the number of private security agencies and security guards in the Delhi-National Capital Region and the number of people being trained at government-recognised training facilities.

Take, for example, Previse Security Training Institute, the Capital’s first training institute for private security industry professionals such as security guards, supervisors, and personal security officers, among others.

“Private agencies have been reluctant to send their guards for training as prescribed under the law. Hardly 500 guards have come since 2012 when the training facility was set up,” says Deep Chand, founder-director of the institute and a retired Indian Police Service (IPS) officer. The institute in Mehrauli spread over five acres offers a range of courses for private security personnel.

“The bitter truth is a lot of these private security agencies are only interested in somehow getting training certificates rather than investing in their guards for training,” he adds.

Col KK Singh, who runs Olive Heritage Training Institute in Gurugram, agrees: “Many private security agencies hire retired servicemen or police officers who are projected as their key officials and trainers to win the faith of the people. But even they need to be trained under the law to work with a private security agency.”

In RWAs, untrained and unappreciated

Sudhir Bhasin, Elite Security, a Delhi-based private security company, says it is mostly the Resident Welfare Associations (RWAs) that hire unlicensed private security agencies. “It is because most RWAs in Delhi are not willing to pay the minimum wages. Most guards work for 12 hours and RWAs pay [them] only for eight hours,” Bhasin said. “There is no empathy for them. While people always point out their small lapses, there is never a word of appreciation for them. They do not understand the hard life of a guard who works 12 hours a day,” says Bhasin.

“An RWA is the most difficult posting. Many residents, especially the office bearers, treat you as their personal guard. I am supposed to ensure that no one parks in their parking, take couriers in their absence, and a lot more. And there is hardly ever a word of praise,” Rajneesh Singh, a guard in Rohini housing society, said.

“There are times when I work for 48 hours at a stretch because the night guard does not come. I do not get any paid leave. I have got no training, and but that is my agency’s fault,” he adds.

In 2019, the deputy register of the cooperative societies in Delhi issued a public notice advising all cooperative housing societies to hire security services from registered and licenced agencies under PSARA Act with the Delhi government. But Atul Goyal, president of the United Residents Joint Action (URJA), said “Unlike corporates, RWAs have financial constraints, but they hire security through the registered agencies only and pay the minimum wages as per the law. ”

The rise in demand

The Covid-19 pandemic, Vikram Singh says, has highlighted the importance of private security guards. “They were the only people guarding business establishments, offices, and shops during the lockdown. They were the ones who were helping patients and relatives in the hospitals during the peak of the pandemic at great personal risk. But they never got the credit they deserved.”

In India, which is woefully short of police, these guards, Bhasin says, can be a force multiplier to law enforcement agencies and a great source of generating employment. “But we need to make the security industry a career of choice for people,” he said.

Ajay Kumar Gupta, special secretary, home in the Delhi government, the controlling authority for private security agencies in Delhi under the PSARA Act, said that his department has so far issued licences to about 2,200 agencies in Delhi, and about 800 of them were in the last six months alone.

“About 400 applications are pending with us that we will clear in two months. We are streamlining the entire licensing process and taking it online. We have asked private security agencies to digitally submit certificates of training for their guards to us. Now, guards can undergo training only at a training centre that is registered with the national skill development council and follows the national skills qualifications framework (NSQF) and their agency,” says Gupta.

Needed: An active civil society

And what about action against unlicensed agencies?

“I have not received any complaint about any agencies that are operating without a licence. It is not practically possible for us to keep a tab on every security agency and its guards. People will have to ensure that they hire from a licensed agency and check the training certificates of their guards. We need the active support of civil society for the better enforcement of the law,” he added.

“We have proposed to the Union government to set up a directorate of private security services with representatives from both, the government and the private security industry, for better governance and structured growth of the private security sector,” says Vikram Singh.

The deadly suicide bombing by the Islamic State (IS)-Khorasan at a Shia mosque at Kunduz last week has highlighted the deteriorating security situation across Afghanistan in the wake of the Taliban takeover nearly two months ago. At least 100 people reportedly died in the latest attack by the IS-affiliate, which has emerged the leading security challenge for the Taliban, which itself is perceived as a threat to regional security. The Taliban doesn’t have a firm grip on power across Afghanistan and any further deterioration of the situation will only lead to the emergence of more challengers to the group. The security situation has taken a turn for the worse at a time when Afghanistan is grappling with a humanitarian crisis, including shortages of food, medicines and essential goods.

The challenge for the world community is ensuring that humanitarian aid can be delivered directly to the Afghans, while keeping up the pressure on the Taliban to deliver on commitments regarding counterterrorism and an inclusive government. So far, the Taliban leadership has given no indication whatsoever that it will make good on these commitments, and the world community cannot afford any compromises. Even United Nations secretary-general Antonio Guterres has criticised the Taliban for its broken promises to Afghan women and children while urging the international community to donate more money to stave off the economic collapse of Afghanistan. An Afghanistan that continues to be home to thousands of fighters from al-Qaeda, Lashkar-e-Taiba and Islamic State will continue to be a reason for sleepless nights for policymakers across the region.

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India’s approval of a vaccine for children between the ages of two and 18 on Tuesday doesn’t come a moment too soon. By the end of this week, three out of every four Indians would have received at least one dose of the vaccine. It’s at this level, 75%, that vaccine drives around the world have started hitting a ceiling. The rest of the population just doesn’t want to be vaccinated. Sure, the Union and state governments should do all they can to address the issue of vaccine hesitancy, but they need to also look at two other objectives: Accelerating the administration of second doses, and expanding the vaccine drive to include people below the age of 18.

India has already approved ZyCoV-D, a vaccine made by Zydus Cadila, for those between the ages of 12 and 18 (there are around 150 million), although the vaccinations themselves haven’t started. On Tuesday, it approved Covaxin, made by Bharat Biotech, for those between the ages of two and 18 years. There are an additional 250 million Indians in the 2-12 age group. Details including pricing and prioritisation have to be worked out for both vaccines before the drive for younger people can be launched. The government would do well to accelerate this process. Perhaps Covaxin – Bharat Biotech finally seems to have put its production issues behind it and will deliver 50 million doses in October according to the health ministry – can be reserved for use only among younger people (apart from those who have been administered a first shot of Covaxin and will need a second one).

Vaccinating young people will provide a further boost to the resumption of physical schooling. An extrapolation of government data shows that at least 50 million school children do not have access to a device, which means their education is likely to have suffered over the past year-and-a-half. Experts believe the actual number may be higher. It will also return a sense of normalcy to the academic calendar – in terms of high-school and school-leaving examinations, and college admissions, all of which have had to adapt over the past two academic sessions. Meanwhile, with both registrations and the number of people taking first doses plateauing, the government could also consider reducing the gap between two doses of Covishield (the vaccine administered to almost 90% of those who have received a jab) from the current 12 weeks to four weeks. This will help it reach its target of vaccinating the entire eligible (and willing) adult population by the end of the year.