மத்திய அமைச்சரவைச் செயலா் ராஜீவ் கௌபாவுக்கு ஆதித்ய பிா்லா குழுமத் தலைவா் குமாா்மங்கலம் பிா்லா எழுதியிருக்கும் கடிதம், தகவல் தொலைத்தொடா்புத் துறையினரையும், பங்குச் சந்தையையும் மட்டுமல்ல, ஒட்டுமொத்த தொலைபேசி, செல்லிடப்பேசி, அறிதிறன்பேசி நுகா்வோரையும் அதிா்ச்சியில் ஆழ்த்தியிருக்கிறது.

வோடஃபோன் - ஐடியா நிறுவனத்தில் 27% பங்குகளை வைத்துக்கொண்டிருக்கும் ஆதித்ய பிா்லா குழுமம், அதன் தலைவா் குமாா்மங்கலம் பிா்லா மூலம் தெரிவித்திருக்கும் இயலாமை, இந்திய தொலைத்தொடா்புத் துறையின் வருங்காலத்தை கடுமையாகப் பாதிக்கும் என்பதால் அதனை அசிரத்தையாகப் புறக்கணித்துவிட முடியாது.

கடன் சுமையில் சிக்கியிருக்கும் வோடஃபோன் - ஐடியாவை இப்போதைய நிலையில் தொடா்ந்து நடத்த தங்களால் இயலாது என்பதையும், தங்களது பங்குகளை அரசுக்கோ அல்லது அந்த நிறுவனத்தை ஏற்று நடத்த முன்வரும் ஒரு நிறுவனத்துக்கோ தந்துவிடத் தயாா் என்பதையும்தான்

குமாா்மங்கலம் பிா்லா தனது கடிதத்தின் மூலம் வெளிப்படுத்தியிருக்கிறாா். கடந்த பல மாதங்களாகவே இந்தப் பிரச்னை நடந்துகொண்டிருக்கிறது என்றாலும், தனது கையறு நிலையை வெளிப்படுத்தி ஆதித்ய பிா்லா குழுமம் வோடஃபோன் - ஐடியா நிறுவனத்தைக் கைகழுவ முற்படும் என்று யாருமே எதிா்பாா்க்கவில்லை. அந்த நிறுவனத்தை இழப்புகளிலிருந்து மீட்டு தொடா்ந்து நடத்துவதற்கான அனைத்து முயற்சிகளும் தோல்வி அடைந்துவிட்டதைச் சொல்லாமல் சொல்லியிருக்கிறது குமாா்மங்கலம் பிா்லாவின் முடிவு.

ரிலையன்ஸ், பாா்தி ஏா்டெல் என்கிற இரண்டு தனியாா் நிறுவனங்கள் முன்னணியில் இருக்கும் தொலைத்தொடா்புத் துறையில் வோடஃபோன் - ஐடியாவுக்கு 24% அளவில் வாடிக்கையாளா்கள் இருக்கிறாா்கள். அரசு நிறுவனங்களான பிஎஸ்என்எல்-லும், எம்டிஎன்எல்-லும் சோ்ந்து 10% வாடிக்கையாளா்களைக் கொண்டிருக்கின்றன.

இப்போதைய நிலையில், வோடஃபோன் - ஐடியா தொலைத்தொடா்பு சேவை நிறுவனத்துக்கு 27.7 கோடி வாடிக்கையாளா்கள் இருக்கிறாா்கள். ஆனால், கடந்த சில ஆண்டுகளாகவே அந்த நிறுவனம் தொடா்ந்து தன் வாடிக்கையாளா்களை இழந்து வந்திருக்கிறது. மொத்த வாடிக்கையாளா்களில் 24% இருந்தும்கூட, வோடஃபோன் - ஐடியா நிறுவனத்தால் லாபகரமாக இயங்க முடியவில்லை என்பது மட்டுமல்ல, ஏற்கெனவே இருக்கும் கடன் சுமையில் இருந்து மீள முடியாத நிலைமையும் ஏற்பட்டிருக்கிறது.

அந்த நிறுவனத்தின் சரி செய்யப்பட்ட மொத்த வருவாய் (அட்ஜஸ்டட் கிராஸ் ரெவென்யூ - ஏஜிஆா்) அடிப்படையிலான நிலுவைக் கடன் ரூ.58,254 கோடி. அதுமட்டுமல்ல, அலைக்கற்றை கட்டண பாக்கி ரூ.90,270 கோடி. போதாக்குறைக்கு வங்கிகளிலிருந்தும், நிதி நிறுவனங்களிலிருந்தும் பெறப்பட்டிருக்கும் கடன் ரூ.23,080 கோடி. இத்தனை இழப்புகளையும், கடன் நிலுவையையும் சுமந்து கொண்டு இனிமேலும் அந்த நிறுவனம் தொடர முடியாது என்பதை உணா்ந்ததால்தான் குமாா்மங்கலம் பிா்லா தனது கைகளை உயா்த்திக் களத்திலிருந்து விலக முடிவெடுத்திருக்கிறாா்.

வோடஃபோன் - ஐடியா நிறுவனத்தின் பிரச்னைக்கு மிக முக்கியமான காரணம் ரிலையன்ஸ் நிறுவனத்தின் நுழைவு. 2016 வரை லாபத்தில் ஓடிக்கொண்டிருந்த எல்லா தொலைத்தொடா்பு நிறுவனங்களும், அந்தத் துறையில் ரிலையன்ஸ் புகுந்ததைத் தொடா்ந்து ஏற்பட்ட இழப்பு காரணமாக ஒன்றன் பின் ஒன்றாக விலகத் தொடங்கின. அதிகரித்த அலைக்கற்றைக் கட்டணம், உரிமக் கட்டணம், நிலையில்லாத அரசின் கொள்கை போன்றவை புதிய நிறுவனங்கள் சேவைக்கு முற்படுவதைத் தடுக்கின்றன.

சரி செய்யப்பட்ட மொத்த வருவாய் நிலுவைக் கடனைப் பொருத்தவரை, அதனை மறு ஆய்வு செய்து கணக்கிட வேண்டும் என்கிற தொலைத்தொடா்பு சேவை நிறுவனங்களின் கோரிக்கை ஜூலை 23-ஆம் தேதி உச்சநீதிமன்றத்தால் நிராகரிக்கப்பட்டதைத் தொடா்ந்து, வோடாஃபோன் - ஐடியா நிறுவனத்தை நடத்த இயலாத சூழல் ஏற்பட்டது. அரசு தலையிட்டு அலைக்கற்றை கட்டண நிலுவையை ரத்து செய்யுமானால், வோடஃபோன் - ஐடியா நிறுவனம் ஓரளவுக்குத் தப்பிக்கலாம். ஆனால், அது நிரந்தரத் தீா்வாக இருக்காது. மேலும், ஏனைய நிறுவனங்களும் அதே சலுகையை கோரக்கூடும். தனியாா் நிறுவனங்களுக்கு சலுகைகளை வழங்கி வருவாய் இழப்பைச் சந்திக்க அரசு தயாராவதற்குப் பதிலாக பெரும் இழப்பை எதிா்கொண்ட அரசு நிறுவனங்களையே நடத்தக் கூடாதா என்கிற கேள்வியும் எழக்கூடும்.

டஜன் கணக்கில் தொலைத்தொடா்பு நிறுவனங்கள் சேவை வழங்கி வந்த துறையில், அரசு நிறுவனங்களை ஒதுக்கிவிட்டுப் பாா்த்தால் இப்போது மூன்றே நிறுவனங்கள்தான் இயங்குகின்றன. வோடஃபோன் - ஐடியாவும் விலகிவிட்டால் இரண்டு நிறுவனங்கள் மட்டுமே செயல்படும் துறையாக அது மாறிவிடும். காலப்போக்கில், முன்பு பிஎஸ்என்எல், எம்டிஎன்எல் அரசுத் துறை நிறுவனங்கள் மட்டுமே இயங்கியது போல, ரிலையன்ஸ் நிறுவனம் மட்டுமே இயங்கும் சூழல் ஏற்படுவதற்கான சாத்தியமும் உண்டு.

இந்தப் பிரச்னையில் அரசு முன்பே தலையிட்டிருக்க வேண்டும். வோடாஃபோன் இந்தியா முடங்குமானால், அதன் வாடிக்கையாளா்கள் மட்டுமல்ல, ஏனைய இரண்டு தனியாா் நிறுவன வாடிக்கையாளா்களும் பாதிக்கப்படுவாா்கள். இரண்டு நிறுவனங்கள் மட்டுமே, அல்லது ஒரே ஒரு நிறுவனம் என்கிற நிலை ஏற்பட்டால், நிறுவனங்களின் ஆதிக்கம் அதிகரிக்கும். தனியாா் துறையில் போட்டியின்மை ஆபத்தானது, வாடிக்கையாளா்களின் நலனுக்கும் எதிரானது. அதைவிட அரசே அந்தத் துறையை நடத்திவிடலாம்.

 'நோயற்ற வாழ்வே குறைவற்ற செல்வம்' என்னும் பழமொழி நாம் என்றுமே நினைவில் கொள்ள வேண்டியது. தூய்மையே நம் ஆரோக்கியமான வாழ்விற்கு அடிப்படை. கிராமங்களிலும் நகரங்களிலும் மக்கள் கழிப்பறையை முறையாகப் பயன்படுத்த வேண்டும் என்னும் அறிவுரையை தூய்மை இந்தியா திட்டத்தின் கீழ் மத்திய அரசும் மாநில அரசும் ஊடகங்கள் மூலம் தினமும் வலியுறுத்தி வருகின்றன.
 கரோனா தீநுண்மியின் ஆதிக்கத்திலிருந்து இன்னும் நாம் முழுமையாக விடுதலை பெறாத நிலையில், ஒழுங்காக பராமரிக்கப்படாத கழிப்பறைகள் நோய்களை இலவசமாக பரப்பும் மையங்களாக மாறக்கூடும். இது ஒரு சமூகப் பிரச்னை. அரசும் பொதுமக்களும் பொதுக்கழிப்பறைகளின் முறையான பராமரிப்பில் தங்கள் முழுக்கவனத்தையும் செலுத்த வேண்டும்
 வசதியானவர்கள் வீட்டில் உள்ள கழிப்பறை வசதி சாமானிய மக்களுக்குக் கிடைப்பதில்லை. கிராமங்களை விட மக்கள் நெருக்கம் அதிகமாக உள்ள நகர்ப்புறங்களில் பொதுக்கழிப்பறைகளின் தேவை அதிகமாக இருக்கிறது. பேருந்து நிலையம், வணிக வளாகங்கள், கோயில்கள் போன்ற இடங்களில் பொதுமக்கள் அதிகமாக வந்து கூடுகின்றனர்.
 இங்குள்ள பொதுக்கழிப்பறைகளை பயன்படுத்தவேண்டிய அவசியமும் அவசரமும் அவர்களுக்கு ஒவ்வொரு தொலைதூர பயணத்துக்குப் பிறகும் ஏற்படுகிறது.
 அரசாங்கம் வீட்டுக்கு ஒரு கழிப்பறை கட்ட உதவுகின்றது. பொதுக்கழிப்பறைகள் நகரங்களில் வறுமைக்கோட்டுக்கு கீழே வாழும் மக்கள் உள்ள பகுதிகளில் பொதுமக்கள் பயன்பாட்டுக்கென அமைக்கப்படுகிறன. ஆனால் அவை அங்கு பரவியுள்ள மக்கள்தொகை எண்ணிக்கையின் அடிப்படையில் அமைந்திருப்பதில்லை.
 பல இடங்களில் கழிப்பறைக்குக் கதவுகள் கிடையாது. கதவுகள் இருந்தாலும், தாழ்ப்பாள் கிடையாது. சுகாதார வசதிகளும் முழுமையாக இருப்பதில்லை. பல கழிப்பறைகள் பூட்டப்பட்டும், செடிகொடிகள் சூழ்ந்தும் மின்சார வசதியின்றியும் காணப்படுகிறன.
 ஒப்பந்ததாரர்களால் அவசர கதியில் கட்டப்படும் கழிப்பறைகள் உறுதித்தன்மை அற்றவையாக இருக்கின்றன. கட்டப்பட்டு திறக்கப்படாமலும் பல பொதுக்கழிப்பறைகள் உள்ளன. மேலும் கழிப்பறையின் சுவர்களில் ஒட்டப்படும் இரங்கல் செய்தி முதல் பொதுக்கூட்ட நிகழ்வு வரையிலான சுவரொட்டிகள் அதனுடைய வெளிப்புற தோற்றத்தை மோசமாக்குகின்றன.
 இலவச கழிப்பறைகளுக்கும், கட்டணக் கழிப்பறைகளுக்கும் இடையில் பெரிய வேறுபாடு எதுவும் காணப்படுவதில்லை. இதனால் பொதுமக்கள் கழிப்பறையை பயன்படுத்துவதைத் தவிர்த்து கழிப்பறைக்கு வெளியே உள்ள இடத்தையே பயன்படுத்துகின்றனர்.
 மேலை நாடுகளில் கழிப்பறைகளை இலவசமாகப் பயன்படுத்தலாம். அங்கு பொதுவெளிகளைப் பயன்படுத்தினால் அபராதம் வசூலிக்கப்படுகிறது. ஆனால், நம் நாட்டில் கழிப்பறைகளைப் பயன்படுத்தக் கட்டணம். பொதுவெளி கழிப்பிடங்கள் இலவசம். கழிப்பறைகளை முறையாக பயன்படுத்தும் வழக்கம் மக்களிடையே ஏற்பட வேண்டும். பொதுக்கழிப்பறைகளும் பயன்பாட்டுக்கேற்ற நிலையில் இருக்க வேண்டும்.
 பொதுக்கழிப்பறைகளைப் பராமரிக்க தனியான துறை நம் அமைப்பில் இல்லை. அவற்றை நிர்வகிக்கும் பொறுப்பு சுகாதாரத்துறை, மின்சாரத்துறை, நீர் வழங்கல் துறை போன்ற அனைத்து துறைகளுடைய கூட்டுப் பொறுப்பாக இருக்கிறது. இதில் ஏதேனும் ஒரு துறையின் செயல்பாட்டில் குறைபாடு ஏற்பட்டாலும், பொதுக்கழிப்பறையின் முறையான பயன்பாடு கேள்விக்குறியாகிவிடுகிறது.
 நீரிழிவு நோயாளிகள், கர்ப்பிணிப் பெண்கள் ஆகியோருக்கு அடிக்கடி கழிப்பறையைப் பயன்படுத்தவேண்டிய தேவை ஏற்படுகிறது. எனவே பொதுக்கழிப்பறைகள் முறையாகப் பராமரிக்கப்படுவதோடு தேவைப்படும் தண்ணீர் வசதி, மின்சார வசதி, பாதுகாப்பு போன்றவற்றையும் அரசு வழங்க வேண்டும். முதியவர்களின் பயன்பாட்டுக்காக மேற்கத்திய வகை கழிப்பறைகளும் ஆங்காங்கே இருத்தல் நலம்.
 தேவைப்படும் இடங்களில் உதவியாளர்களைப் பணியமர்த்த வேண்டும். தரைப்பகுதி பாசிபடிந்து வழுக்கும் நிலையில் இருந்தால், பயன்பாட்டாளர்கள் உள்ளே நுழையவே தயங்குவார்கள். தேவையான அளவு துப்புறவு சாதனங்களும், கிருமிநாசினிப் பொருட்களும் அன்றாட பயன்பாட்டுக்கு உள்ளாட்சி நிர்வாகம் அளிக்க வேண்டும். தண்ணீரை சிக்கனமாகப் பயன்படுத்துவது உபயோகிப்பாளரின் முக்கியக் கடமைகயாகும்.
 உள்ளாட்சி அமைப்பின் மக்கள் பிரதிநிதிகள் ஒவ்வொரு வாரமும் இது பற்றிய விவரங்களை உள்ளாட்சி கூட்டங்களில் விவாதிக்கவேண்டும். பொதுக்கழிப்பறைகளில் புகார் பெட்டிகள் வைக்கப்பட்டு அவை அதிகாரிகளால் பரிசீலிக்கப்பட்டு மக்களின் குறைகள் சரி செய்யப்பட வேண்டும். எனவே நோய் தோன்றும் இடமாக கழிப்பறைகள் மாறிவிடாமல் இருக்க, தேவையான முயற்சிகள் எடுக்கப்பட வேண்டும்.
 அரசு இதற்கென ஒரு தனித்துறையை ஏற்படுத்தினால் மிகவும் பயனுள்ளதாக இருக்கும். கழிப்பறையை முறையாகப் பயன்படுத்துவது குறித்த விளம்பரங்களை அடிக்கடி ஒளிபரப்பி மக்களிடையே இது சார்ந்த விழிப்புணர்வை ஏற்படுத்த வேண்டும். பள்ளி வகுப்புகளிலும் இதன் அவசியத்தை எடுத்துச் சொல்ல வேண்டும். அப்போதுதான் மாணவர்கள் கழிப்பறைப் பயன்பாடு குறித்து அறிந்துகொள்வார்கள். அத்துடன் நமது நாட்டை முழு சுகாதாரமான நாடாக மாற்றும் நடவடிகைகளில் ஈடுபடுவார்கள்.
 நாமும் நாகரிகமானவர்கள். படித்த பண்புள்ள மனிதர்கள் என்று உலகுக்கு காட்டுவோம். பொதுக்கழிப்பறைகளை முறையாகப் பயன்படுத்துவோம்.

ஜப்பான் தலைநகா் டோக்கியோவில் 204 நாடுகளைச் சோ்ந்தவா்கள் கலந்துகொண்ட ஒலிம்பிக் விளையாட்டு போட்டி வெற்றிகரமாக முடிந்துள்ளது. கரோனா காலமென்பதால் பாா்வையாளா்கள் அதிகம் அனுமதிக்கப்படவில்லையென்றாலும் தொலைக்காட்சி மூலம் உலகெங்கிலும் உள்ள அனைவருமே பாா்த்து ரசித்தாா்கள்.

இந்தியா சுதந்திரம் பெற்ற நாளிலிருந்து நடந்த போட்டிகளில் தடகளத்தில் ஒரு வெண்கலப் பதக்கத்தைக் கூட இந்தியா பெற்றதில்லை. பஞ்சாபைச் சோ்ந்த ஓட்டப் பந்தய வீரா் மறைந்த மில்கா சிங் மட்டும் போட்டியில் ஓடி நான்காம் இடம் பெற்றாா். அதுவே பல வருடங்கள் இந்தியாவின் சாதனையாகப் பேசப்பட்டு வந்தது.

அதனை சில ஆண்டுகளுக்கு முன்பு நடந்த ஒலிம்பிக் போட்டியில் வீராங்கனை பி.டி. உஷா முறியடித்து வெண்கலப் பதக்கம் பெற்று நீண்ட கால இந்தியா்களின் ஆசையை நிறைவேற்றுவாா் என்று எதிா்பாா்த்தபோது ஒரு நொடியில் நான்காம் இடத்தையே பெற்று வெண்கலத்தை வெல்ல முடியாமல் நாடு திரும்பினா். ஆக தடகளத்தில் நமக்கு நான்காம் இடமே பிடிக்க முடிந்தது.

நான் தஞ்சை மாவட்டம் ஓரத்தநாடு அரசுப் பள்ளியில் படித்தபோது ராஜசேகரன் என்பவா் படம் வைக்கப்பட்டு இவா் வடுவூா் என்கிற பக்கத்து கிராமத்தில் பிறந்து நூறு மீட்டா் ஒட்டப் பந்தயத்தில் இதே டோக்கியோவில் 1965-இல் நடந்த போட்டியில் கலந்து கொண்டாரென்றும் ஆனால் பதக்கம் பெறவில்லை என்றும் எங்களுக்கு கூறப்பட்டு பதக்கம் பெறவில்லை என்றாலும் நமது ஊரைச் சோ்ந்த ஒருவா் ஒலிம்பிக் போட்டியில் கலந்து கொண்டதை கூறி உடற்பயிற்சியில் ஊக்கத்துடன் ஈடுபட மாணவா்களிடம் கூறப்பட்டதுண்டு.

இப்படி கூறப்பட்டதை கேட்டு வளா்ந்த மாணவா்கள் பலா் மாவட்ட, மாநில, இந்திய அளவில் நடந்த போட்டிகளில் கலந்து கொண்டு எங்கள் பகுதிக்குப் பெருமை சோ்த்தாா்கள். ஆனாலும் ஒலிம்பிக் போட்டியில் பஞ்சப் பிரதேசங்களாக திகழும் கென்யா, எத்தியோப்பியா, சோமாலியா, சுரினாம் போன்ற நாடுகளெல்லாம் தங்கப்பதக்கம் பெறும்போது இந்தியாவை சோ்ந்தவா்களால் ஒரு வெண்கல பதக்கம் கூட பெற முடியவில்லையே என்கிற ஏக்கம் அனைவரிடமும் இருக்கத்தான் செய்தது.

இப்படி பல்லாண்டு காலமாக இருந்த ஏக்கத்தைக் போக்கும் வண்ணம் இந்த ஒலிம்பிக் போட்டியில் ஹரியாணாவைச் சோ்ந்த 23 வயது இளைஞா் நீரஜ் சோப்ரா, தான் கலந்து கொண்ட முதல் போட்டியிலேயே 87.58 மீட்டா் தூரம் ஈட்டி எறிந்து தங்கப்பதக்கத்தை பெற்று இந்திய தேசத்திற்கே பெருமை சோ்த்தாா். செக்காஸ்லோவேகியா வீரா்கள் இருவா் 86 மீட்டருக்கு மேல் வீசி கடும் போட்டியை தந்தனா்.

நீரஜ் சோப்ரா வீசிய தூரத்தை எவராலும் எட்ட முடியவில்லை. வெண்கலம் கூட பெற முடிய வில்லையே என்றிருந்த நிலையில் தங்கத்தையே நம் இந்தியா நாட்டிற்கு பெற்றுத் தந்து ஒலிம்பிக் வரலாற்றில் தடகள மைதானத்தில் ஒலிக்கப்படாமலே இருந்த நமது நாட்டின் தேசிய கீதம் ஒலிக்க, மறுபக்கம் கொடிக்கம்பத்தில் முதல்முறையாக இந்திய தேசியக் கொடி ஏற்றப்பட்டது.

துப்பாக்கி சுடுதலில் ஒருமுறை தங்கம் வென்ற இந்தியா இந்த ஒலிம்பிக்கில் ஒரு பதக்கமும் பெறாதது பெரும் ஏமாற்றமே. அதே போல் தங்கப்பதக்கம் குத்து சண்டையில் பெறுவாா் என்று எதிா்பாா்த்த வீராங்கனை மேரி கோம் தகுதிச் சுற்றிலேயே தோற்றுப் போய் ஏமாற்றத்தை தந்தாா். இருந்தாலும் கடந்த ஒலிம்பிக் போட்டியில் இந்தியாவிற்கு பதக்கம் பெற்றதோடு உலகப் போட்டிகள் பலவற்றில் கலந்து கொண்டு இந்தியாவிற்கு அவா் பெருமை சோ்த்ததை நாம் மறக்க முடியாது.

எதிா்பாராத வண்ணம் ஒலிம்பிக் தொடங்கிய முதல் நாளிலேயே நம் வீராங்கனை மீராபாய் சானு பளு தூக்கும் போட்டியில் வெள்ளிப்பதக்கம் வென்று இன்ப அதிா்ச்சி தந்தாா். கடந்த ஒலிம்பிக் போட்டியில் பேட்மின்டன் போட்டியில் வெள்ளிப்பதக்கம் வென்ற வீராங்கனை சிந்து இந்த போட்டியில் தங்கம் பெறுவாா் என்று எதிா்பாா்க்க, வெண்கலப் பதக்கத்தை மட்டுமே பெற்று தந்தாா். இது இந்தியா்களுக்கு ஏமாற்றமாக தெரிந்தாலும் கடைசி வரை சிந்து போராடியதைப் பாராட்ட வேண்டும்.

நம் நாடு சுதந்திரம் பெற்று ஏறக்குறைய சம காலத்தில் கம்யூனிஸ்ட் ஆட்சி மலா்ந்த சீனா, விளையாட்டுத் துறையில் கோலோச்சிக் கொண்டிருந்த அமெரிக்கா, ரஷியா போன்ற நாடுகளை பின்தள்ளி பதக்கப் பட்டியலில் முதல் இடத்திலேயே இருந்தது. கடைசி நாள்தான் ஒரு தங்கப் பதக்கம் கூடுதலாகப் பெற்று சீனாவை இரண்டாமிடத்துக்கு தள்ளி அமெரிக்காவால் முதல் இடத்தைத் தக்க வைக்க முடிந்தது.

சீனாவால் பெற முடிந்த பதக்கங்களை இந்தியாவால் ஏன் பெற முடியவில்லை? அமெரிக்கா, ரஷியா, ஜப்பான் போன்ற நாடுகளெல்லாம் சோ்ந்து கூட்டு முயற்சியாக அமைத்துள்ள சா்வதேச விண்வெளி ஆராய்ச்சி மையத்தை போல், தானே தனியாக ஒரு விண்வெளி ஆராய்ச்சி மையத்தை சீனா கட்டமைக்கத் தொடங்கியுள்ளது. புரட்சி என்ற சிறு முனகல் சத்தம் கூட சீனாவில் கேட்க முடியாது. வா்த்தகத்திலும் வளா்ந்த நாடுகளை விட சீனா பெரும் வளா்ச்சியோடு திகழ்கிறது.

மக்கள்தொகையில் இந்தியா விரைவில் சீனாவை முந்திவிடும் என்ற நிலை வந்தவுடன் ஒரு குழந்தை மட்டுமே சீன தம்பதியினா் பெற்றுக் கொள்ள வேண்டும் என்றிருந்த தடையை தடாலடியாக நீக்கி இரண்டு அல்லது மூன்று குழந்தைகள் பெற்றுக் கொள்ளலாம் என்று சமீபத்தில் சீனா அறிவித்துள்ளது.

இந்தியாவைச் சுற்றியுள்ள பாகிஸ்தான், இலங்கை, மியான்மா், வியத்நாம், நேபாளம், பூடான் போன்ற நாடுகளைத் தேடிச் சென்று உதவி செய்து தன் ஆதிக்கத்தை அங்கெல்லாம் நிலை நாட்டியுள்ளது. லடாக் பகுதி வழியாக இந்தியாவின் சில பகுதிகளை சீனா கைப்பற்றியுள்ளது என்றும் கூறப்படுகிறது. அருணசால பிரதேசத்தை அபகரிக்கப் பாா்க்கிறது.

இவையெல்லாம் சீனாவால் மட்டும் எப்படி முடிகிறது? நம்மால் ஏன் முடியவில்லை? சுந்தா் பிச்சை போன்ற தமிழா்கள் அமெரிக்காவில் ஒன்பது பெரிய நிறுவனங்களுக்குத் தலைமை வகிக்கிறாா்கள் என்று கூறப்படும் செய்தி தேனாக இனிக்கிறது.

இப்படி பல தமிழா்கள் பல்வேறு துறைகளில் உலகின் பல நாடுகளில் தலைமை பொறுப்பில் சிறப்புடன் திகழ்வது நமக்கு பெருமை என்றாலும் விளையாட்டுத் துறையில் இந்திய தேசம் குறிப்பாக, தமிழகம் சிறப்பு கவனம் செலுத்த வேண்டும். சிறந்த விளையாட்டு வீரா்களுக்கு ஊக்கமளித்து உதவி செய்ய வேண்டும்.

இருபது ஆண்டுகளுக்கு மேலாக விளையாட்டு வீரா்களுக்கு தனி ஒதுக்கீடு மூலம் போக்குவரத்துத் துறையிலும், மின்சாரத் துறையிலும் வேலை வாய்ப்பு வழங்கபடவில்லை. அதனை மீண்டும் தொடங்க வேண்டும்.

கிரிக்கெட் விளையாட்டிற்கு தரப்படும் முக்கியத்துவம், உதவி மற்ற விளையாட்டுகளுக்கு, குறிப்பாக ஹாக்கி போன்ற விளையாட்டுகளுக்கு வழங்கப்பட வேண்டும். இதுவரை ஹாக்கியில் மட்டும் எட்டு தங்கப்பதக்கங்களைப் பெற்ற இந்திய ஹாக்கி அணி 1980 மாஸ்கோவில் நடந்த ஒலிம்பிக் போட்டியில் அமெரிக்கா மற்றும் அதன் ஆதரவு நாடுகள் கலந்து கொள்ளாமல் ஆறு நாடுகள் மட்டுமே கலந்து கொள்ள தமிழகத்தை சோ்ந்த பாஸ்கரன் தலைமையில் தங்கப் பதக்கம் பெற்றது.

தற்போதுதான் இந்திய ஹாக்கி அணி பலம் மிக்க ஜொ்மனியை வீழ்த்தி வெண்கலத்தை வென்றது. அதுவும் மூன்று கோல் அடித்து முன்னிலை பெற்றிருந்த ஜொ்மனி அணியை மனம் தளராது போராடி 5க்கு 4 என்ற கோல்களில் ஆடவா் ஹாக்கி அணி வென்றது. தாங்களும் சளைத்தவா்கள் அல்ல எண்ணும் விதத்தில் மகளிா் ஹாக்கி அணி அயா்லாந்தை வீழ்த்தி, தென் ஆப்பிரிக்காவை வீழ்த்தி பலமிக்க ஆஸ்திரேலியா அணியையும் அபாரமாக வீழ்த்தி வெண்கலப் பதக்கப் போட்டியில் இங்கிலாந்திடம் கடுமையாக போராடி நூலிழையில் பதக்கத்தைப் பறிகொடுத்தது.

41 ஆண்டுகள் கழித்து ஆடவா் ஹாக்கி அணி வெண்கலம் வென்றது, அதற்கு முன்பு பெற்ற எட்டு தங்கப்பதக்கங்களை விட சுவையானதாக இருந்தது. இனிமேலாவது ஆடவா், மகளிா் ஹாக்கி அணி வீரா்கள் வீராங்கனைகளை அரசே தத்தெடுத்து பயிற்சி தந்து ஊக்கப்படுத்தி வேலை வாய்ப்புகளை வழங்கினால் இன்னும் பலா் விளையாட்டுத்துறையில் ஆா்வமாக ஈடுபடுவாா்கள்.

சீனாவில் ஐந்து வயது பிள்ளையாக இருக்கும் போதே விளையாட்டில் ஆா்வம் உள்ளவா்கள் அடையாளம் காணப்பட்டு அரசே தத்தெடுத்துப் பயிற்சி அளிக்கும். இதனை இந்தியாவும் செய்தால் நம் இளைய சமுதாயத்தினரால் நிச்சயம் சாதிக்க முடியும்.

ஆசிய விளையாட்டுப் போட்டியில் முதன்முதலில் அறிமுகப்படுத்திய கபடி போட்டியில் தமிழகத்தை சோ்ந்த பாஸ்கரன் தலைமையிலான இந்திய அணி தங்கம் வென்றது. ஆனால் அந்த பாஸ்கரன் கடைசி வரை வேலை கிடைக்காமல் அவதிப்பட்டாா். அதன் விளைவு, கடந்த ஆசிய போட்டியில் கபடியை புதிதாக கற்றுக் கொண்ட ஈரான் இந்தியாவை வீழ்த்தி தங்கத்தைப் பெற்றது. ஏன் இந்த நிலை? ஆசிய போட்டியில் வென்றவரே வேலையின்றி அலைந்ததைப் பாா்த்து மற்ற இளைஞா்கள் நம்பிக்கை இழந்தனா்.

எனவே, இனிமேலாவது நாம் விளையாட்டு வீரா்களை ஊக்கப்படுத்திடவும், அவா்களில் வசதியற்ற குடும்பத்தை சோ்ந்த பிள்ளைகளை அரசே தத்தெடுத்து தனி பயிற்சி வழங்கிடவும் வேண்டும். அப்போதுதான் நமது நாடு உலக அளவில் முன்னிலை வகிக்கும் சீனாவை வீழ்த்தி வென்றிட முடியும். இந்த ஒலிம்பிக் போட்டியில் தங்கம், வெள்ளி, வெண்கலம் வென்றவா்களை வாழ்த்துவோம்!

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முன்னாள் சட்டப்பேரவை உறுப்பினா்.

கைவிட்டதா பாஜக? கலக்கத்தில் அதிமுக!- Dinamani வளர்ந்துவரும் உறுப்பு சில்லுத்தொழில்நுட்பம் - hindutamil.in

கணினிச் சில்லுகளைக் கேள்விப் பட்டிருப்பீர்கள். சில்லுத் தொழில் நுட்பத்தின் ஆகப் பெரிய மனிதப் பயன்பாட்டின் தொடக்கப் புள்ளி அது. இன்றைக்குச் சில்லுகளின் ஆதிக்கம் நுழையாத துறை இல்லை. அது மருத்துவத் துறையில் புகுந்ததிலும் வியப்பில்லை. ஏற்கெனவே ஸ்கேன் கருவி, ஆய்வுக்கூடப் பகுப்பாய்வுக் கருவி என அநேக மருத்துவக் கருவிகளில் சில்லுகள் பயன்படுகின்றன. தற்போது ‘உறுப்புச் சில்லுகள்’ (Organs–On-Chips) எனும் நவீனத் தொழில்நுட்பமும் புகுந்துள்ள செய்திதான் இப்போதைய பேசுபொருள்.

மனித உறுப்புகளைப் பிரதிபலிக்கும் இந்தச் சில்லுகளுக்கு ‘உயிரிணையாக்கிகள்’ (Biomimetics) என்று பெயர். சமீபகாலம் வரை பல்கலைக்கழக ஆய்வகங்களில் ஆராய்ச்சிகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்பட்டுவந்த உறுப்புச் சில்லுகள், கரோனா வைரஸ் மனித குலத்துக்குக் கொடுத்த பேரிடர் அழுத்தத்தால், மனிதப் பயன்பாட்டுக்கு உதவும் வடிவத்துக்கு உடனடியாக மேம்படுத்தப்பட்டன. உலகில் கரோனா தொற்று பரவிய ஓராண்டுக்குள் தடுப்பூசி கண்டுபிடிக்கப்பட்டு, நடைமுறைக்கும் வந்திருப்பதற்கு இந்தச் சில்லுகளின் பங்களிப்பும் உள்ளது.

பொதுவாக, ஒரு மருந்து அல்லது தடுப்பூசியை வடிவமைத்ததும் முதலில் விலங்குகளிடமும் அடுத்ததாக மனிதர்களிடமும் பரிசோதனை செய்வார்கள். இப்படி நான்கு கட்ட ஆய்வுகளுக்குப் பிறகு, அவற்றின் தரவுகளைத் தீர ஆராய்ந்து மனிதப் பயன்பாட்டுக்கு நிரந்தர அனுமதி வழங்குவார்கள். இந்தச் செயல்முறையை நடைமுறைப்படுத்தப் பல வருடங்கள் ஆகலாம். இதற்கான பரிசோதனைச் செலவு பல்லாயிரம் கோடிகள் ஆகலாம். சுண்டெலிகள், முயல்கள், குரங்குகள் போன்ற விலங்குகளின் உயிர்களும் பெருமளவில் பலியாகலாம். சமயங்களில் இந்த ஆய்வுகளின்போது விலங்குகளுக்குப் பலனளித்தவை மனிதர்களுக்குப் பலனளிக்காமலும் போகலாம். இந்தக் குறைபாடுகளுக்கெல்லாம் தீர்வாக வந்திருக்கிறது, உறுப்புச் சில்லுத் தொழில்நுட்பம்.

வியப்பூட்டும் உறுப்புச் சில்லுகள்

உடலுறுப்புச் செல்கள் இயங்கும் விதத்தையொட்டி இயற்கைபோன்று உறுப்புச் சில்லுகளை வடிவமைக்கின்றனர் ஆய்வாளர்கள். ஓர் ஒப்பீட்டுக்குச் சொன்னால், உறுப்புச் சில்லு களை ‘நாற்றங்கால்கள்’ போன்றவை எனலாம். ஹார்வர்டு பல்கலைக்கழகத்தில் இயங்கும் வைஸ் நிறுவனம் (Wyss Institute), உறுப்புச் சில்லுகள் ஆராய்ச்சிகளில் உலகளவில் முன்னணியில் இருக்கிறது. இதன் தலைமை ஆராய்ச்சியாளரான டொனால்டு இங்பெர் 2010-ல் தயாரித்த நுரையீரல் சில்லுதான் உலகளாவிய முதல் உறுப்புச் சில்லு. இதுவரை நுரையீரல், சிறுநீரகம், குடல், கல்லீரல், சருமம், மூளை, இதயம், எலும்பு மஜ்ஜை, கருப்பை, சூலகம் என 15-க்கும் மேற்பட்ட உறுப்புச் சில்லுகளை அவர் தயாரித்துள்ளார்.

கரோனா வைரஸ் நுரையீரலைத்தான் பெரிதும் தாக்குகிறது என்பதால், நுரையீரல் சில்லு எப்படிக் கட்டமைக்கப்படுகிறது என்பதைப் பார்த்துவிடலாம். இது பாலிமர் எனும் செயற்கை வேதிக் கலவையால் ஆனது; கணினியில் இருக்கும் நினைவுச் சில்லுக்கு ஒப்பானது; நெகிழ்வானது. நுண்திரவத் தடங்கள் கொண்ட ஏழு பெட்டகங்கள் இதில் உள்ளன. ஆய்வகங்களில் வளர்க்கப்பட்ட நுரையீரல் செல்களை இந்தப் பெட்டகங்களில் உயிரோடு பதியமிடுகின்றனர் ஆய்வலர்கள்; பெட்டகங்களுக்கு நடுவில் உள்ள தடங்களில் நுரையீரல் திரவங்கள், ரத்த செல்கள், ஆக்ஸிஜன் ஆகியவற்றையும் நிரப்புகின்றனர். நாம் மூச்சுவிடும்போது எப்படி நுரையீரல் விரிந்து சுருங்குகிறதோ அப்படியே இதையும் இயங்க வைத்து, இயற்கையான நுரையீரல் உட்சூழலைக் கொண்டுவருகின்றனர். தேவைக்கு உணவுச் சத்துகளைச் செலுத்தி, செல்கள் தொடர்ந்து வளரவும் வழி செய்கின்றனர். இதைப் போன்று இதயம், குடல், சிறுநீரகம் உள்ளிட்ட உடலின் பல உறுப்புகளுக்கும் சில்லுகளைத் தயார்செய்து, அவற்றை நம் உடலமைப்பு முறைப்படி இணைத்துவிடுகின்றனர். இப்போது மொத்த உடலுக்குமான உறுப்புச் சில்லு தயாராகிவிடுகிறது. இதற்கு ‘உடல் சில்லுத் தொகுதி’ (Body–On-Chips) என்று பெயர். முப்பரிமாணங்களில் தயாரிக்கப்பட்டிருக்கும் இதன் உள்ளமைப்பையும் செயல்பாட்டையும் வெளியிலிருந்து காண வசதி உள்ளது. ஆய்வுக்கு உள்ளாகும் பொருளை உள்நுழைத்து விளைவுகளைப் பதிவுசெய்கின்றனர்.

பலன்கள் என்னென்ன?

ஒரு செல்பேசி பேட்டரி அளவுள்ள இந்தச் சாதனம் மனித உடலை அதன் அமைப்பிலும் செயல்முறையிலும் அப்படியே பிரதிபலிக்கும் தன்மையுடையது. எனவே, நோய்த் தொற்றின்போது உடல் உறுப்புகள் பாதிக்கப்படும் தன்மைகளைத் துல்லியமாக அறிய முடிகிறது. புதிய மருந்துகளின் செயல்பாடுகளைக் கண்டு, அவற்றின் தயாரிப்பைத் துரிதப்படுத்த முடிகிறது. தடுப்பூசிகளின் பாதுகாப்புத் தன்மை, நோய் தடுக்கும் தன்மை, பக்கவிளைவுகள் ஆகியவற்றை விரைவில் அறிய முடிகிறது. ஏற்கெனவே பயன்பாட்டில் இருக்கும் மருந்துகள் புதிதாகப் பரவும் நோய்களுக்குப் பயன்படுமா, பயன்படாதா என்பதையும் இதில் தெரிந்துகொள்ளலாம். ஹைட்ராக்சி குளோரோகுயின் மாத்திரை கரோனாவுக்குப் பலனளிக்கவில்லை என்பதை இந்த முறைமையில் உறுதிசெய்தது ஓர் உதாரணம். மேலும், அமெரிக்காவின் உணவு மற்றும் மருந்து நிர்வாகம் ‘எமுலேட்’ (Emulate) ஆராய்ச்சி நிறுவனம் தயாரித்துள்ள நுரையீரல் சில்லை சென்ற டிசம்பர் மாதத்திலிருந்து பயன்படுத்திக்கொள்ள அனுமதி கொடுத்தது. அதைத் தொடர்ந்து, உலகில் 150 மருந்து ஆய்வகங்களில் இது பயன்படுத்தப்படுகிறது. பொதுவான மருந்து ஆராய்ச்சிகளைத் தாண்டி, அமெரிக்க ராணுவ ஆய்வலர்கள் (DEVCOM) கரோனா தொற்றின் வளர்ச்சிப் படிகளை நுரையீரல் சில்லில் கண்டறிந்தனர்; சைட்டோகைன் புயல் ஏற்படும் விதம் குறித்தும் அறிந்துகொண்டனர். இன்னும் பல ஆய்வகங்களில் ஆஸ்ட்ராஜெனிக்கா, ஜான்சன் அண்ட் ஜான்சன் ஆகிய நிறுவனங்கள் தயாரித்துள்ள கரோனா தடுப்பூசிகளின் பக்கவிளைவுகளை எளிதில் கண்டறிய முடிந்தது.

எப்படி ஒரு நாற்றங்காலில் பயிர்களை வளர்த்துச் சோதித்துவிட்டால், அவற்றின் தோட்டப் பயிர்கள் வீணாகாதோ அதேபோன்று இந்த உறுப்புச் சில்லுகளில் கிருமிகள், புதிய மருந்து அல்லது தடுப்பூசியை முதலில் பரிசோதித்துவிட்டால் அடுத்தடுத்த பரிசோதனைச் செலவுகளைக் குறைத்துவிடலாம்; பரிசோதனை முறைமைகளை விரைவுபடுத்தலாம்; விலங்குகளின் உயிர்ப் பலிகளைத் தடுக்கலாம்; நேரமும், பணமும் விரயமாவதைக் குறைக்கலாம்; மருந்து அல்லது தடுப்பூசியின் விலையை மலிவாக்கலாம். அறிவியல் தொழில்நுட்பங்களின் அசுர வளர்ச்சியால் இப்படிப் பல நன்மைகளுக்கு விதைபோட்டுள்ளது உறுப்புச் சில்லுத் தொழில்நுட்பம்.

தற்போது உலகையே ஆட்டிப்படைக்கும் கரோனா பெருந்தொற்றுப் பரவலை விரைவில் முடிவுக்குக் கொண்டுவரவும் அடுத்ததொரு புதிய பெருந்தொற்று வந்தால்கூட, அதை எளிதாக எதிர்கொள்ள நம்மைத் தயார் செய்யவும் உறுப்புச் சில்லுத் தொழில்நுட்பம் துணை செய்யப்போவது உறுதி.

For the first time ever, the Supreme Court Collegium led by the Chief Justice of India (CJI) recommended/selected as many as nine persons at one go to be appointed to the apex court. With the appointment later of the nine judges by the President of India, barring one vacancy which arose after the Collegium met, all the nine vacancies in the Supreme Court will be filled up. The highest court in the country having its near full strength will ease the pressure on it considerably.

Much-awaited move

Every CJI during his tenure has taken up the filling up of vacancies as a matter of highest priority, but many could not succeed. CJI T.S. Thakur, in fact, broke down, in 2016, at a function attended by the Prime Minister in a rare expression of extreme anguish because of his inability or helplessness in filling the vacancies which was seriously affecting the functioning of the supreme judicial forum of the country. It is indeed a happy augury that the present CJI, Justice N.V. Ramana, could, along with his colleagues in the Collegium, select the judges within a short period of his assumption of office.

It is almost a truism that the selection of judges for appointment to the higher courts, particularly the top court is a complex exercise. After the Collegium came into existence, much to the consternation of political class, the selection of suitable judges has become most arduous in as much as the members of the Collegium have to take extra care to ensure that the process of selection remains transparent and the suitability of the persons selected attracts the highest level of approbation.

Difficult task

This is by no means an easy task. The members of the Collegium are all the senior most judges who have in their own way helped shape the ethos of the highest judiciary. With their keen intellect, long years of experience at the Bench and an admirable ability to discern merit in individuals, it is a tough task to build a consensus around one person or a few persons. The CJI being the head of the Collegium, has an unenviable task in building that consensus. Therefore, it can be said without any fear of contradiction that the job of selecting as many as nine judges for appointment to the Supreme Court was done admirably well. Going by news reports, it appears that the selection process was concluded in the first ever formal meeting of the Collegium. It is a remarkable feat in itself.

As the Secretary General of Lok Sabha, I had the privilege of assisting the Presiding Officers and I witnessed close quarters the struggles the Speaker had to endure in evolving consensus even on absolutely non-partisan proposals. Justice Ramana deserves full credit for taking along his colleagues in the true spirit of being the first among equals. The latest resolution of the Collegium gave effect to the multiple judicial pronouncements of the top court on the subject, particularly in recommending three women, a feat which may not be possible to be repeated in the foreseeable future.

Article 142 (1) contains the concept of ‘complete justice’ in any cause or matter which the Supreme Court is enjoined to deliver upon. The citizens of the country look up to the Supreme Court for complete justice. So, while selecting a judge to adorn the Bench, the fundamental consideration should be his/her ability to do complete justice. The Supreme Court has gone into this fundamental normative matrix in which the whole exercise of selection of judges is performed. In theSupreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association and Another vs Union of India(1993), the Court spelt out the parameters within which to accomplish the task of selecting candidates for appointment to the higher judiciary. The most crucial consideration is the merit of the candidates. But consideration of merit should be done “… without giving room for any criticism that the selection was whimsical, fanciful or arbitrary or tainted with any prejudice or bias” (paragraph 330). The merit is the ability of the judge to deliver complete justice.

India’s compelling realities

India is a country of bewildering diversity. In this cacophonous democracy, language, region, religion, community, caste, are all realities which the state cannot ignore while identifying people to man its various organs. The nine judges who decided the above case were quite aware of these compelling realities. So, they said, “In the context of the plurastic [pluralistic] society of India where there are several distinct and differing interests of the people with multiplicity of religions, race, caste and community and with the plurality of culture … it is inevitable that all people should be given equal opportunity in all walks of life and brought into the mainstream so that there may be participation of all sections of people in every sphere including judiciary”. The overriding concern of the Supreme judiciary is to ensure equal opportunities to all classes of people … be they backward classes or scheduled castes or scheduled tribes or minorities or women, … so that the judicial administration is also participated in by the outstanding and meritorious candidates belonging to all sections of the society [and] not by any selective or insular group” (paragraph 315).

Need for transparency

India is perhaps the only country where the judges select judges to the higher judiciary. It is, therefore, necessary to make the norms of selection transparent. The Supreme Court has emphasised the need for maintaining transparency and an openness with regard to the norms of selection. In 2019, a five judge Bench of the Supreme Court, of which the present CJI was also a member, laid emphasis on this point. The Bench observed: “There can be no denial that there is a vital element of public interest in knowing about the norms which are taken into consideration in selecting candidates for higher judicial office and making judicial appointments”.

Thus, the essence of the norms to be followed in judicial appointments is a judicious blend of merit, seniority, interests of the marginalised and deprived sections of society, women, religions, regions and communities. A closer look would reveal that these norms are followed in their essentiality in selecting the nine for the Bench. The selection of three women judges, with one of them having a chance to head the top court, a judge belonging to the Scheduled Caste and one from a backward community and the nine selected persons belonging to nine different States (Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi and Gujarat; https://bit.ly/385WJbP), all point towards an enlightened and unbiased approach of the members of the Collegium. It is also a matter of public knowledge that many of those selected have zealously upheld citizens’ freedoms and public interest. The contributions of a few of them in waking up governments from their slumber in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic is well documented. A high level of social consciousness possessed by a Judge enhances the quality of justice. The present CJI can be credited with recognising this crucial factor in the selection of judges.

Unwarranted

A needless controversy is sought to be raised by a section of the media about this round of selection citing the non-existing ‘Rule of Seniority’. It is this insistence, on one single criterion, which led to the piling up of vacancies in the Supreme Court for nearly two years. The logjam of 22 months has been finally broken by the Collegium led by the CJI through a pragmatic approach. It is also significant to note that those who are complaining of omission have not alleged that the selected nine cannot do complete justice as the Constitution mandates.

There is no doubt that there are meritorious people outside this group too. But in a population of 1.3 billion, to select just nine suitable persons to man the highest judiciary is not without difficulty. Considering the merit of the selected persons, one can undoubtedly say that the Collegium has done a good job. With seven names (district judges) cleared by the Collegium for the Telangana High Court in one go, we can safely trust Team Ramana to speedily fill up all judicial vacancies. The Collegium has started doing its job. Now, it is time for the Government to match the pace and take the process of appointments to its logical conclusion at the earliest.

P.D.T. Achary is Former Secretary General, Lok Sabha

Nearly 71% of all deaths worldwide occur due to non-communicable diseases (NCDs) such as hypertension, diabetes, cardiovascular diseases, chronic respiratory diseases, and cancer. Cardiovascular diseases such as stroke, heart attacks and coronary artery disease are the top cause of global deaths. One out of every four deaths occurs due to cardiovascular diseases, especially among younger patients. In the Indian subcontinent, there is early onset and rapid progression of such diseases, and a high mortality rate. Premature loss of life due to NCDs in the age group of 30-69 years is also very high among Indians. Half the deaths due to cardiovascular diseases occur in the age group of 40-69 years. To address this growing burden of NCDs, the National Health Mission launched the National Programme for Prevention and Control of Cancer, Diabetes, Cardiovascular Diseases and Stroke, in 2010, focusing on strengthening infrastructure, promoting good health, human resource development, early diagnosis, management and referral.

Disruption of NCD services

The rapid spread of COVID-19 has severely tested primary healthcare systems, which perform myriad functions, across the world. Maternal healthcare services, immunisation, health surveillance, and the screening and management of NCDs have all been severely disrupted. A World Health Organization (WHO) survey conducted in May 2020 among 155 countries found that low-income countries were the most affected by this disruption. More than half (53%) of the countries surveyed had partially or completely disrupted services for hypertension treatment, 49% for treatment for diabetes and diabetes-related complications, 42% for cancer treatment and 31% for cardiovascular emergencies. The outcomes in COVID-19 patients with pre-existing cardiovascular disease risk factors or with established cardiovascular disease can be worse than others, perhaps due to low cardiorespiratory reserve, worsening of the underlying cardiovascular disease due to systemic effects of the illness, or precipitating novel cardiac complications. Data from the National Health Mission’s Health Management Information System in India show that emergency services for cerebrovascular diseases dropped by about 14%. Among NCDs, persons with diabetes are at an exceptionally higher risk of severe clinical outcomes of COVID-19. A recent study reported that nearly one in every two Indians living with diabetes is unaware of their condition. They are at higher risk of dying if they contract COVID-19 because of uncontrolled glucose levels in their blood. Findings from an observational study in Delhi show that 47.1% of hospitalised COVID-19 patients had diabetes.

In most countries, staff working in the area of NCDs were reassigned to support patients with COVID-19, and public screening programmes were postponed. Shortage of medicines, diagnostics and technologies were the main reasons for discontinuing services in one-fifth of the surveyed countries. Cancellations of planned treatments, decreased availability of public transport, and lack of staff were the most common reasons for the disruption of NCD services. NCD services also got more disrupted as countries moved to the stage of community transmission from the stage of sporadic COVID-19 cases.

Lockdowns and reduced physical interactions led to loneliness, especially in the geriatric population. This resulted in mental health disorders such as anxiety and depression. Lockdowns increase exposure to NCD risk factors as people became more likely to increase their consumption of alcohol and tobacco and adopt an unhealthy diet.

Solutions

Although most countries reported that they had included NCD services in their national COVID-19 preparedness and response plans, only 42% of low-income countries did so. Worryingly, tobacco cessation activities and rehabilitation have not been included in response plans. India’s response plan to address the growing burden of NCDs must include tobacco cessation activities as tobacco consumption has been indisputably linked to hypertension, cardiovascular diseases and stroke.

Alternative strategies have been established in most countries to support those at the highest risk so that they continue receiving treatment for NCDs. Among the countries reporting service disruptions, half are using telemedicine. A positive impact of the pandemic has been that two-thirds of the countries are now collecting data on the number of COVID-19 patients who also have a NCD.

There is an urgent need for national and State health policymakers to draw up a road map which gives equal weight to patients living with NCDs. Utilising the existing network of NGOs while respecting local factors will go a long way in tackling the growing burden of NCDs. Campaigns on maintaining a healthy lifestyle need innovation; the monotony of broadcasting the same message over and over again must be broken.

Uncontrolled epidemics have the potential to snowball into a major pandemic. A paradigm shift in governance, which means effective and participatory leadership with strong vision and communication, is the need of the hour to tackle the silent epidemic transition to NCDs.

Screening for NCDs at the grassroots level and the delivery of locally relevant and contextual messages for health promotion and primordial prevention of NCDs can be significantly improved by incentivising the already overburdened ASHA workers. Access to essential NCD medicines and basic health technologies in all primary healthcare facilities is essential to ensure that those in need receive treatment and counselling. A multidisciplinary approach is imperative. Strategies must include mitigation efforts to address administration challenges, a strong health workforce, infrastructure, supplies, maintaining the standard of care, and continued access and care for the vulnerable populations. Also, the importance of physical activity and mental health due to restrictions on movement should be brought to the forefront. The use of alternative modalities such as online platforms for disseminating information on exercise and mental health management must be made available to the marginalised. Telemedicine can reduce travel expenses, thus lowering patients’ expenditure burden.

Multiple risk factors which are interrelated, such as raised blood pressure, glucose, lipids, and obesity, are preventable. Primary healthcare systems must ensure that persons at risk of NCDs receive appropriate screening, counselling and treatment. In India, those with NCDs find that productive years of life are lost and there is high-out- of-pocket expenditure on treatment. Urgent action is needed using the ‘all of society approach’ to achieve the WHO goal of a 25% relative reduction in overall mortality from cardiovascular diseases, cancer, diabetes, or chronic respiratory diseases by 2025. This can be achieved by strengthening the primary health system to prevent, diagnose and provide care for NCDs in the future, especially during health emergencies such as a pandemic.

Raghupathy Anchala is Professor of Public Health, Symbiosis Institute of Health Sciences, Symbiosis International University, Pune, and Giridhara R. Babu is Professor and Head of Life Course Epidemiology at Public Health Foundation of India

The heartbreaking images of Afghans clinging on to a United States Air Force plane in Kabul, on August 16, in a desperate bid to flee Afghanistan is a reminder of the fall of Saigon, Vietnam, and the horrifying scenes of American diplomats evacuated by helicopter, leaving behind supporters to languish in re-education camps. We have the urge to ask this question: Who is responsible for the return of the Taliban and a new rise of barbarism in the name of Allah in Afghanistan?

One-sided accord

In his defiant speech justifying his Afghanistan policy, U.S. President Joe Biden conveniently omitted acknowledgement of his responsibility for the disastrous endgame. He squarely laid the blame on the Afghan government and army for all the problems. One cannot shift the blame away from the Biden administration for the current chaos in Afghanistan. But one has to recognise the fact that once the predecessor administration of President Donald Trump and U.S. Special Representative for Afghanistan Reconciliation Zalmay Khalilzad signed the disastrous one-sided agreement with the Taliban, the fate of Afghanistan was sealed. It was just a matter of time. Whether keeping 2,500 personnel or 5,000 personnel or just one American soldier would have made a difference is subject to conjecture.

Lessons missed

This does not mean that the decision to withdraw American soldiers was wrongper se; rather, there was obviously inadequate planning in preparing the operation. As usual, many innocent people were left behind. There was certainly a moral failure in getting out as many of those Afghans who supported the U.S. intervention and military presence in Afghanistan as possible. One historical lesson that was not learned was the predictable collapse of the Afghan government. The surrender to the Taliban slowly gained pace in the months following the Doha deal in 2020, but it began to snowball as soon as Mr. Biden announced in April that U.S. forces would withdraw from Afghanistan.

But there is a second part to the debacle in Afghanistan. Surprisingly, when we think of the Taliban, we have in mind a shabby army of 70,000 fervently Islamist foot soldiers confronting and defeating a modern Afghan army of 3,00,000 men. However, the world was surprised by the speed of the Taliban army in reconquering Afghanistan, from Kunduz on August 7-8 through Mazar-i-Sharif and every other provincial capital last week to Kabul on Sunday. Certainly, one of the reasons for the defeat of the Afghan army has been the poor training and corruption of the Afghan officers.

We can also add that the strategy of pushing the Taliban into the mountains and hinterlands, while securing towns and cities by the Afghan army did not work as expected. It took the Taliban only a few weeks to sweep away the Afghan army, which had been financed and trained by the United States for 20 years.

It is impossible to predict how the current situation will evolve. But we can have a better understanding of the Taliban’s violence if we go back to their history. The Taliban was a Pashtun movement which appeared in the early 1990s following the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan in 1989.

Posing a danger

Once in power in Afghanistan, the Taliban imposed their own violent and authoritarian version of Sharia Law, exemplified by ‘punishments such as public executions of convicted murderers and adulterers, amputations for those found guilty of theft and imposing the all- covering burka for women. Television, music and cinema were also banned by the Taliban and girls aged 10 and over were forbidden to go to school’. All these previous actions show that the Taliban will rule Afghanistan once again with extreme violence and barbarity. However, some analysts continue to believe that because of the negotiations in Doha, there is room for compromise with the Taliban and that international mediation has played a positive role in asking for a more pragmatic attitude from the Taliban. This is just wishful thinking that ignores the fact that the rule of the Taliban in Afghanistan will be a great danger for all Afghans and the neighbouring countries. Let us not forget that once again, terrorist groups such as al Qaeda and the Islamic State will take advantage of the new rise of the Taliban to create their own power bases in Afghanistan.

Challenge for diplomacy

Last but not least, on a human level, the fate of the Afghan people under the new Taliban government is most important. One thing is certain. The sufferings of the Afghans will not end under Taliban rule. From the point of view of international affairs, it will certainly take a Herculean effort to maintain decent working relations with the Taliban. However, India, Iran, Russia, and China are hoping for stability and an end to bloodshed in Afghanistan. But the return of the Taliban will not necessarily be welcomed by all these countries despite the fact that they would rejoice at America’s setback. There will also be a fear of Islamic jihadism all over West Asia, including in Turkey and in Saudi Arabia. So, all and for all, the Afghan debacle is not the story of a defeat of democracy in one country but a sign of a fiasco in international politics in general.

Ramin Jahanbegloo is Director of the Mahatma Gandhi Centre for Non-violence and Peace Studies at Jindal Global University

I have shared extensively what I have learnt from literature in navigating the choppy waters of journalism. Ernest Hemingway, George Orwell, Rabindranath Tagore, Gabriel Garcia Márquez, Isabel Allende, Toni Morrison and a host of other influential voices have not only shaped my world view but also defined my writing. Though literature is the discipline from which I derive multiple life tools, I also draw from the social sciences to address many tricky issues.

Dealing with polarising views

One of the toughest issues confronting a news ombudsman is how to express profound differences in a polarised world. Democracy Features is an academic initiative to stimulate fresh thinking about the many challenges facing democracies in the 21st century. It tries to explore the new idea of choice, where one is forced to choose between two opposing positions. In this world view, as Sabine Selchow, a Research Fellow at the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at the University of Sydney, points out, “reflection and compromise are seen as admitting weakness, defeat, and even a betrayal of one’s position.” Her prescription for dealing with the challenges of polarisation is to “get uncomfortable to open up new horizons for imagining and acting in the world.”

I often tend to use the tools developed by anthropologist Anand Pandian to get uncomfortable and to bring in a more nuanced approach to the elements that make up a credible information ecology. Prof. Pandian won the Infosys Prize 2019 in Social Sciences for his brilliantly imaginative work on ethics, selfhood and the creative process. As a Tamil, I was always interested in the complex, yet organic, relationship between Tamil Nadu and its vast diaspora.Jothi, a magazine edited by V. Swaminatha Sharma and published from Rangoon, provided the template for modern Tamil journalism. It was Prof. Pandian’s collaborative book with his grandfather, M.P. Mariappan,Ayya’s Accounts: A Ledger of Hope in Modern India, that gave insights into the dynamics that bind the locals with the diaspora.

Prof. Pandian wrote a brilliant anthology of essays, ‘A Possible Anthropology: Methods for Uneasy Times’, which helped me as a journalist to look at newer approaches that are more inclusive and less judgmental. The key question he sought to answer in these essays was: “In a time of intense uncertainty, social strife, and ecological upheaval, what does it take to envision the world as it yet may be?” His vision of a possible anthropology was “the one that may be adequate to the challenge of seeing and thinking beyond the profound fissures and limits of the present.”

Charting a new path

Prof. Pandian wrote: “These are times that call for anthropological faith and existential generosity, ways of cultivating sympathy, openness, and care as liveable realities. For the humanity yet to come — now, as always, we will need such anthropology.” I am convinced this applies to journalism also. Prof. Pandian, in his recent essay inThe Guardian, ‘What I learned from an unlikely friendship with an anti-masker’, explains the need for a sustained dialogue with those on the other side of the ideological fence. He documents his interactions with Frank, whose views were disturbing, a brazen assertion of white privilege. Frank is a pseudonym as he wanted to remain anonymous.

Frank used the idea of freedom to denounce masks worn to prevent the spread of COVID-19 (he called them “face diapers”). For him, the idea of vaccination symbolised “compliance, control and capitulation.” He opposed any restriction of movement and joined ‘Operation Gridlock’ against the preventive measures taken by the Governor of Michigan. Frank justified the storming of the Capitol. For him, it was the outburst of a populace long under siege, struggling against a power constantly wielded in the name of care. It is obvious that Prof. Pandian’s views on each one of these topics were diametrically opposite to that of Frank’s.

As a news ombudsman, I get mails almost daily from readers like Frank. They find masterstrokes in every decision of the Union government. They feel that any critical voice against the ruling regime is undermining their rights. They discover virtues in obvious flaws. They are generally hyper-nationalistic; they are sceptical of any affirmative action.

Prof. Pandian sees masks and vaccines as “the truth of our vulnerability, our capacity to wound and be wounded by others.” When we are tied to each other’s whims and disdains, it is not only anthropology but also journalism that needs to chart a new path.

readerseditor@thehindu.co.in

On August 16, while explaining why he was so firm on withdrawing American troops from Afghanistan, President Joe Biden acknowledged the U.S.’s myriad missteps of the last 20 years. The history of American missteps is, however, longer, and goes further back than the provocation caused by the 9/11 attacks. Steve Coll’s book,Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001,is a detailed documentation of the endless list of misadventures of the U.S. and other western countries. By all accounts, Afghanistan is the worst victim of the fiercest superpower rivalry of the post-World War II era.

A more humane foreign policy

Afghanistan’s current predicament is only a small part of a much bigger story pertaining to American foreign policy. Seen in conjunction with what has happened to Iraq, Libya and Syria, the moral flaw in American foreign policy and the U.S.’s contribution to destroying nations becomes apparent. If national interest is the only game in town, it is high time American policymakers begin to re-imagine it in a way that is less destructive and more humane.

It was believed that President Biden would undo the agenda of his predecessor, Donald Trump. But he seems more determined to pursue Mr. Trump’s agenda, and with greater ineptitude. Some argue that the decision to withdraw forces from Afghanistan was President Biden’s original agenda, which he aired unsuccessfully as Vice President in 2009. The 2020 Doha Agreement between the U.S. and the Taliban merely eased the process and brought forth a rare consensus between a Republican President, Mr. Trump, and his Democratic successor, Mr. Biden. The current mess in Afghanistan, and in Syria, Libya and Iraq, once more reaffirms that in the domain of foreign policy, there is very little ideological difference between the Republicans and Democrats who alternately govern the U.S.

Though several western nations were involved in this U.S.-led coalition in Afghanistan, no country was interested in stepping in after the U.S.’s exit. U.K. Prime Minister Boris Johnson revealed this in the British Parliament when he said that the NATO’s “core mission” had succeeded. What is becoming clear is that the western nations lacked a vision for and commitment to Afghanistan.

Monopoly of state power

While militant religious groups exist or operate in several countries, the Taliban enjoy the unique advantage of having acquired monopoly of state power. On the issues of rights, whether human rights or gender rights, each nation state has its skeletons in the closet. Consider, for instance, the U.S. itself and its track record on human rights with regard to African Americans or indigenous people. But the basic difference between nations like the U.S. and Afghanistan is that there is a political environment in the U.S. which allows these issues to be raised. For instance, the Black Lives Matter movement could not have been possible if a militant group was enjoying the monopoly of state power in the U.S. Clearly, not enough was done in the last 20 years to create institutions for such a conducive environment in Afghanistan. The Taliban were allowed to expand and now they are ready to govern.

Aside from the extremist nature of the Taliban, what poses an equally dangerous threat to Afghanistan is that it remains the site of a power struggle among big and regional powers. At this juncture, a new equation seems to be emerging in the security game in the region. There is a China-Pakistan axis vis-à-vis an India-U.S. one. Russia, Iran and a few others have their own spin to the game. A new but more pernicious Cold War variety rivalry that doomed Afghanistan has reappeared. No one knows how these players will cast their die. But one thing is certain: there are more threats to Afghanistan than just the Taliban.

Shaikh Mujibur Rehman teaches in Jamia Millia Islamia and is the author of the forthcoming book, ‘Shikwa-e-Hind: The Political Future of Indian Muslims’

Political violence has long been a feature of West Bengal politics. Whether it is due to a sense of mass empowerment, or an outcome of political awareness, or the partisan nature of electoral politics, the phenomenon has been a subject of debate as well as a cause for concern. Post- election violence, however, stems from the victor’s sense of entitlement and triumphalism, making it more condemnable and far less spontaneous than the frequent confrontations that mark the State’s political scene. The latest round of violence broke out soon after the declaration of results of the State Assembly elections on May 2. The Calcutta High Court has ordered a Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) probe into incidents of rape and murder that took place during this post-poll violence, while other incidents will be probed by a special team of State police officers. Both the probes will be under the court’s supervision. The verdict by a five-judge Bench is a welcome denouement to days of fierce recriminations by the ruling Trinamool Congress and the Opposition led by the Bharatiya Janata Party over the incidents. It is a reflection of the state of affairs in the State that there is a dispute over how bad the violence was and how long it lasted. To make matters worse, the Mamata Banerjee government claimed that the violence was brought under control as soon as the party assumed office on May 5, giving the impression that three days of mayhem brooked no response from the police.

The court’s decision to get the National Human Rights Commission to form a panel, including representatives of the State Human Rights Commission and the State Legal Services Authority, to make a field assessment was contested by the State government, but the report the exercise yielded confirmed large-scale and widespread violence, much of it by ruling party supporters against their political adversaries. The main judgment by Acting Chief Justice Rajesh Bindal has explained the reasons for handing over the probe to the central agency: the lack of concrete action, the absence of first information reports, or diluted ones registered after a committee had pointed out such cases, and the tendency to downplay many cases. Further, when faced with allegations of police apathy and inaction, only an investigation by an independent agency will inspire confidence. In a separate opinion, Justice I.P. Mukerji said that there was nothing to show that the ruling party intended to promote political violence, but agreed that the CBI probe was needed to ensure a fair investigation into heinous crimes. The State government may appeal against the verdict, but the doubt cast on the ruling party’s commitment to the rule of law is genuine. An impartial investigation may not only result in credible prosecutions but also be a much-deserved blow against the culture of violence and post-election triumphalism in West Bengal.

The overall number of coronavirus cases in India is on a downward trajectory though around 35,000 cases continue to be added almost daily. Nearly three in four of these infections are from Kerala and Maharashtra with the former — once heralded as the model State in tackling the pandemic — contributing close to 60% of the national total. There may be several reasons why this is the case and one of the conjectures is that newer variants may be playing a significant role. A weekly update from the Indian SARS-CoV-2 Genomics Consortium (INSACOG), a repository of labs tasked with monitoring variants of the coronavirus, says that the Delta variant remains most responsible for the continuing spread of infections in India. The INSACOG collects a percentage of coronavirus-positive samples for analysis from all States and of the nearly 50,000 samples analysed for their genetic composition, about two thirds — 30,230 — were among the internationally classified Variant of Concern or Variant of Interest (VoC/VoI). Of these, nearly 20,000 were the Delta variant (AY.2) and about 5,000, its associated lineages (AY.1 and AY.3). Because they contain mutations that help the virus avoid detection by the immune system, the lineages of the Delta variant are driving spikes in infections worldwide. Globally, there are believed to be 13 sublineages of Delta with characteristic genetic mutations. AY.1, AY.2 and AY.3 are the predominant ones.

Concerning as this variant is, it should not be forgotten that the purpose of the existing vaccines is to prevent hospitalisation and mortality, and the limited evidence so far is that vaccine coverage has played a role in keeping hospitalisation in most States to manageable levels as well as allowing normalisation of economic activity. Unless there is a dramatic fall in susceptible hosts globally, it is unlikely that transmission will obliterate itself. India’s Drugs Controller General has now approved a three-shot vaccine, ZyCoV-D, for use in those 12 and above. The interim efficacy data of this vaccine shows that it has only 66% efficacy which is lower than what most of the other vaccines delivered in their trials. Zydus Cadila also has not published phase-3 results from the trials and so it is quite uncertain if the vaccine will meaningfully curb transmission but may well be effective in boosting India’s vaccine arsenal, cutting disease and saving lives. The INSACOG still monitors too few a proportion of coronavirus samples given that India has the second highest numbers globally. Improving coverage and increased vaccination continue to remain the best bets against the pandemic.

New Delhi, August 22: A proposal is under the consideration of the Government to allow import of exotic cattle by private parties and co-operative institutions. In order to assist these parties in selecting quality animals and also to safeguard against diseases to which these exotic animals are prone to, the import will be canalised through the Indian Dairy Corporation. The Corporation has been asked us to work out a detailed scheme which will be finalised by Government later. There is considerable demand in India for foreign cattle breeds. The Tamil Nadu Government has intimidated a requirement of 85 males of Jersey, Friesian, Brown Swiss and Red Dane breeds for 1971-72. This request is now being considered by the Government of India. The Punjab Government wanted to set up an exotic cattle farm with an outlay of Rs. 12 lakhs. While it was considered earlier that the breed should be Jersey the State Government has since decided to set up a Brown Swiss cattle farm under an Indo-Swiss project. In consultation with technical experts, the State Government has chosen Patiala and Sangrur districts for cross breeding with Brown Swiss.

With both private consumption and investment likely to remain subdued, and with the ability of the government to support the economy during this period being limited, exports can serve as an important driver of growth, more so when global growth is on the upswing

A fter raising questions over the benefits flowing to India from the Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) it had signed, and choosing to opt out of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) trade agreement, the Union commerce minister in his recent comments has suggested that the government is re-orienting its foreign trade policy. Addressing the export promotion councils on Thursday, Piyush Goyal announced that the government was working towards “early harvest” agreements — precursors to free trade agreements (FTA) in which tariff barriers are lowered on a limited set of goods — with Australia and the UK. While a trade agreement with the US is unlikely to materialise in the near term, there is “positive momentum” for signing trade deals with the EU and the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) nations, the minister said. Successful culmination of these deals would indicate an embrace of freer trade, and a shift away from the protectionist impulses that seem to have guided recent government policies.

The series of tariff hikes since 2014 marked an abrupt reversal of the decades-long policy of lowering tariff barriers. Coupled with the advocacy of Atmanirbharta, it seemed to suggest that the country was turning its back on the enormous benefits flowing from free trade. Seen against this backdrop, the minister’s comments that India also needs to open its markets, and be able to compete, are indeed welcome. After all, raising tariffs to protect domestic industry only opens up the space for lobbying for further protection, leading to inefficient outcomes.

Considering the current economic environment, a re-evaluation of the trade policy is much needed. With both private consumption and investment likely to remain subdued, and with the ability of the government to support the economy during this period being limited, exports can serve as an important driver of growth, more so when global growth is on the upswing. India is already benefiting from this upswing in global trade. The country’s overall exports (merchandise and services) in the first four months of the current financial year stood at $204.97 billion, up 47.87 per cent over the same period last year, and 15.35 per cent over the year before that. It should move quickly to seize this opportunity. The government has recently announced the rates under its Remission of Duties and Taxes on Exported Products (RoDTEP) to reimburse exporters for duties paid across the supply chain, making exports zero-rated. While some have expressed disappointment over both the rates, and the exclusion of some sectors, the larger policy thrust should be to integrate with global value chains, boost the competitiveness of exports.

Even if an interim order, the direction to open the doors of the NDA to women is more than symbolic. Taken together with the Centre’s decision to admit girls to Sainik Schools across the country, it lays a roadmap for substantive change.

The Supreme Court has allowed women to sit for the National Defence Academy (NDA) entrance exam this year — one more instance of the court pushing the armed forces towards acknowledging its blind spot on gender discrimination, and taking steps to correct its equity deficit. Last year, the SC had similarly asked the government to grant permanent commission to women officers of the army serving under the Short Service Commission. Till now, women were eligible for entry into the army through the Officers’ Training Academy and Indian Military Academy. The NDA, which recruits cadets fresh out of school (between the ages of 16 and 19), remained an all-male bastion. This, said the additional solicitor-general appearing for the Union government and the Indian Army, was a policy decision. Justice S K Kaul pointed out that such a policy was premised on “gender discrimination”.

Even if an interim order, the direction to open the doors of the NDA to women is more than symbolic. Taken together with the Centre’s decision to admit girls to Sainik Schools across the country, it lays a roadmap for substantive change. It has the potential of attracting more women to professional life in the military. It creates a wider pool of girls and young women trained for long, ambitious careers in the uniformed services. It also throws up the exciting possibility of a more inclusive re-engineering of the institutions of the armed forces, which, by design and without apology, are conceived of as default male spaces, with women as unnecessary appendages. For instance, among the condescending arguments submitted last year against offering permanent commission to women officers in Ministry of Defence vs Babita Puniya & Others, was the fear that women may not be suited to the military life as “they must deal with pregnancy, motherhood and domestic obligations towards children and families”. That they lack the physical capability for combat; that they might struggle if deployed in areas with “minimal facility for habitat and hygiene” — and, finally, that an all-male environment would have to moderate itself in the presence of women. This, the court archly pointed out, was a “whole baseless line of submissions solemnly made to detract from the vital role played by women SSC officers in the line of duty.”

Of course, the infusion of women cadets might bring some challenges of infrastructure to both Sainik Schools and the NDA. Training modules will have to be tweaked, more women teachers hired, hostels set up and gender sensitisation programmes put in place. But this is urgent, necessary work if institutions are to comply with constitutional requirements of non-discrimination and equality. As the long legal battles for equal opportunities in the Indian army illustrate, the change calls not just for a reset of infrastructure but of attitudes. The country as a whole, must set its goals higher than the aims of programmes such as “Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao”. The defence establishment must walk the talk in giving women their due as equal citizens of a constitutional democracy.

Jammu and Kashmir’s ruling party, National Conference, has pledged “to seek non- cooperation on Central laws that are detrimental to the interests of the state’s autonomy”.

Jammu and Kashmir’s ruling party, National Conference, has pledged “to seek non-cooperation on Central laws that are detrimental to the interests of the state’s autonomy”. The second day’s session of the three-day annual meet of the party presided over by Farooq Abdullah, at which the Chief Minister Sheikh Abdullah was present, called upon all sections of “patriotic opinion” in the state to affirm their faith in the basic requirements “of building our state to accord it the distinct place of honour due to it”. A resolution passed by a voice vote of over 4,000 delegates said that the post-1975 story of Jammu and Kashmir was one of ending the politics of drift and lack of direction and more significantly, putting an end to any further encroachment of the state’s “right to be ruled by its own constitution”.

Letter Gag

Tough censorship has been clamped on correspondence between Naxalite prisoners and the Supreme Court, it is learnt. Inspector General of Prisons, R L Handa, has given instructions to jail authorities that all correspondence must be routed through him. Letters from prisoners to their representatives could well be with the state home department or the IGP.

Forgers Nabbed

The special staff of Delhi’s West District police claim to have busted a gang of master forgers. The police said amongst those arrested were two officials of the State Bank of India. A 9mm pistol with cartridges was recovered from the alleged cheats.

Punjab Congress Rift

PM Indira Gandhi is reported to be perturbed over reports that recently appointed chief of the Punjab Congress (I) is not getting CM Darbara Singh’s support. Singh and Parashar have been in the capital for the last few days. Singh has complained that Parashar has been assigning important party work to her brother, Prithvi Parashar.

Ela R. Bhatt writes: We must go beyond that to adopting the Gandhian way of building a mutually nurturing society.

The Mahatma Gandhi Ashram at Sabarmati has always attracted universal reverence in India and outside. It has received and welcomed a wide range of individuals, many of whom come here as pilgrims.

The Ashram is not a project, or Gandhiji’s home, or a tourist spot. It is where our history of achieving freedom for millions with non-violent means was made. It is where we experimented with a future way of living. The Ashram is not a mere memorial of objects and artefacts but a place that inspired satyagraha and carved pathways — inner and outer — to peace. It is our common and shared responsibility to protect, preserve and promote. All of us. Including our government.

What we have to preserve is the sanctity of the Ashram. We have to preserve the simplicity, logic and spirit of Gandhiji’s ideas and values. And we have to do so with consensus, and in full collaboration with each other. I insist that any change to the Ashram, or the proposal to redevelop it, is made with consensus and any process for this change is collaborative.

So far, all have been open, welcoming, and cooperative in discussing ideas and plans. The suggestions and protest letters about the redevelopment plan are most valuable and welcome. I have faith that we will all continue this open and peaceful process to achieve a consensus.

And, therefore, there is hardly any possibility of the governmentalisation of the Ashram, we believe. We will continue our efforts to protest, protect, and promote this Ashram with peaceful means.

Non-violence, to me, has never been a lack of action or timid acceptance, it has been a force of its own that is connected with wider day- to-day political, social, and economic struggles for the freedom of the poor and women workers. Gandhi Ashrams will not work for the betterment of India’s society nor its citizens if they are not more and more aligned to the Gandhi way.

This is not to take Gandhi too literally. Let us conceive of Gandhi as a way of thinking about our society, economy and politics. The Gandhi way is self-reliance at the local level, and full employment at the household level. It is a way towards sustainability and near-zero carbon footprint. It implies local ownership of the means of production. It calls for a broad-based and inclusive social and economic democracy. The Gandhi way is to build peace at home, in the neighbourhood and in the world. And in this, Dalits, minorities, Adivasis have a leading role to play. Women and workers will be the engines.

As a society, we seem to be rushing towards mass suicide, with investments that lead to no jobs, and infrastructure that pollutes air, food and water faster than we can clean or preserve them. If the majority turns on minority communities, cultures or ideas, in the end we will leave no one alive.

Unless the ashrams take the economy and the citizens to self- reliance, to full and meaningful employment, to sustainability, and to local cooperative control of the means of production, they will not deliver what they promise — widespread long-term prosperity and samullas for every Indian.

The Ashram is not made of the four walls that protect Gandhiji’s artefacts and archives — needless to say they are priceless to us all — but of an endless set of doors that open us to the Gandhi way. Let me give a personal example. What touches me at the Ashram is the recurring memory of my grandfather, Dr Manidhar Prasad Vyas, from Desai ni Pole, Khadia, Ahmedabad, joining the Salt March and being hit by police sticks that broke his teeth, weakened the bones in his limbs for the rest of his life, and transformed him from a successful medical doctor into a lifelong satyagrahi.

Gandhiji would have been puzzled by his people caring for the Ashram precincts but not moving ahead to the peaceful, Gandhian constructive way of building a mutually nurturing society.

Partha P Majumder writes: IGNOU’s introduction of Master’s programme in Astrology is step in wrong direction, will only make citizens more irrational and society more obscurantist

The State of Science Index (SOSI) 2021 was announced in June. The Indira Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU) announced the introduction of a Master’s programme in astrology (jyotish) the same month. The first announcement made me happy because 90 per cent of adults surveyed said that science is bringing hope for the future, driving hope for a better world to live in — a higher percentage, albeit slightly, than the global average of 89 per cent. But the IGNOU announcement is an enormously retrogressive step that promotes pseudoscience, I felt.

SOSI was based on results obtained through a combination of online and offline interviews conducted by a global research firm, Ipsos. A demographically representative sample of 1,000 citizens, 18 years and older, were interviewed this year in February and March from each of 17 countries — Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, Columbia, France, Germany, India, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Poland, Singapore, South Korea, UAE, UK and the USA. In this survey, science was defined as “the process of pursuing knowledge about the world and how things in the world work through logically gathering, observing, experimenting and applying truths on a particular subject.”

Hope in science implies trust in science and scientists. Indeed, 90 per cent of respondents from India said that they trust science, about the same (91 per cent) as other global respondents. The vast majority (85 per cent) also believe that society will be negatively impacted if science is not valued. “Science will make my life better in the next five years,” said 79 per cent of respondents. It was also heartening to note that the ordinary citizen agreed to speak up to defend science if someone expressed scepticism against science; a significantly higher fraction (87 per cent) of Indian citizens agreed to do so compared to citizens in other parts of the world (75 per cent).

When there is so much trust in science and citizens of India believe that science will make their lives better, why are we systematically killing the scientific spirit by instilling in our citizens a body of irrational thought? And making sure that such thought gets a stamp of formal approval by introducing degree courses. The stamp will, of course, help irrational thoughts to percolate more easily into society.

In the current atmosphere, anyone who questions such decisions or motives is branded an anti-national. Even if we truly believe that there were significant scientific developments in ancient India, you cannot express disbelief in any claims made by those in power. Such as, cosmetic surgery thrived in ancient India exemplified in Ganesha with an elephant head and we flew airplanes long before the Wright brothers did. You question or express disbelief and the expanding bunch of jingoists will hound and harass you. They may even kill you. Remember Narendra Dabholkar and Gauri Lankesh.

Instead of taking advantage of the high level of trust in science among our citizens, as the SOSI survey indicates, to entrench science deeply in the minds of our people, especially school-going children, we are propagating unscientific thought and establishing pillars of pseudoscience. I also see some contradictory emphasis. There is a welcome emphasis in institutions of higher education to promote science communication by students, to encourage outreach programmes on science, to build living museums for the younger generation of science learners, etc. These are laudable efforts. Why are we introducing degree courses in astrology at the same time?

Astrology has no scientific basis. It does not follow the method of science that comprises setting up a hypothesis, making predictions arising logically from the hypothesis, collecting empirical data to test these predictions, and concluding whether the hypothesis has a strong likelihood of being true. Astrology does not follow this process.

Objections to astrology are not new. Almost 50 years ago, in 1975, a group of 186 scientists, including many Nobel laureates (such as Hans Bethe, Francis Crick, Paul Samuelson, Niko Tinbergen, Peter Medawar, Linus Pauling), published a signed objection to astrology. They wished “to caution the public against the unquestioning acceptance of the predictions and advice given privately and publicly by astrologers. Those who wish to believe in astrology should realise that there is no scientific foundation for its tenets.”

In ancient times, the world view was magical. Planets and other celestial bodies were assumed to exert strong forces on the earth. These forces at birth were assumed to determine the course of our lives. Now that distances between planets and many stars have been calculated, we know that these forces are infinitesimally small to influence us.

The SOSI survey this year clearly indicates that 90 per cent of our adult citizens trust science; 91 per cent agree that the world needs more people pursuing careers related to science, technology, engineering and mathematics. Yet, we are consciously introducing pseudoscientific degree courses. Our citizens will become more irrational and our society more obscurantist. Let us unite to denounce pseudoscience and promote the scientific spirit and temper. The pivot of national prosperity is science and the scientific spirit of its citizens.

Hiranmay Karlekar writes: Leaders may have become more moderate in their views, but pressure from rank and file might force a more hardline stance on women’s rights and a return to a grim past

The Taliban takeover of Afghanistan raises the question: What will happen to Afghan women? One needs to discuss four issues for an answer — the status of Afghan women before the Taliban captured power in 1996, during their regime, what they regained since the ouster of the Taliban, and what the outfit could be expected to do on its return.

As to the first, a report, ‘Taliban’s War on Women: A Health and Human Rights Crisis in Afghanistan’ by the Physicians for Human Rights, a distinguished human rights organisation in the US, states that before the Taliban captured Kabul, women accounted for “70 per cent of all teachers, about 50 per cent of civil servants and 40 per cent of medical doctors in Afghanistan.”

What happened during Taliban rule? Kamal Moinuddin, a retired lieutenant-general of the Pakistan Army, puts it in a capsule in The Taliban Phenomenon: Afghanistan 1994-1997: “Girls are being denied education; women have been prevented from working; if they leave their house, they have to be covered from head to foot with a veil (burqa); besides being veiled, women have to be accompanied by a male relative when they venture out in the streets. Shopkeepers have been directed not to sell goods to unveiled women. Rickshaw drivers are not to pick up women passengers unless they are fully covered. Women caught violating these rules are imprisoned, as are the shopkeeper and the rickshaw driver.”

Things began to change after the Taliban were ousted from power following the US-led invasion launched in October 2001. As George R Allen and Vanda Felbab-Brown state in their paper, ‘Fate of Women’s Rights in Afghanistan’ — a part of Brookings Institution’s 19A Gender Equality Series — the 2004 post-Taliban constitution “gave Afghan women all kinds of rights, and the post-Taliban political dispensation brought social and economic growth that significantly improved their socio-economic condition”. They further state that against less than 10 in 2003, the percentage of girls enrolled in primary schools rose to 33 in 2017. Registered female enrolment in secondary schools rose from six to 39 per cent in the same year. Three-and-a-half million Afghan girls were in school with 100,000 studying in universities. They add, “By 2020, 21 per cent of Afghan civil servants were women (compared with none under the Taliban regime), 16 per cent of them were in senior management positions, and 27 per cent of Afghan members of Parliament were women.”

According to Allen and Felbab-Brown, in rural Afghanistan, where 76 per cent of Afghanistan’s women live, life has not changed much from the Taliban era, their formal legal empowerment notwithstanding. Existence of rights, and their utilisation by some is, however, a starting point. The achievements of urban Afghan women could have been an example to others. Change is a slow process in history, more so in a traditional country like Afghanistan. But extinction of the rights Afghan women now enjoy will reverse the process.

This brings us to the fourth issue. Some hold that the Taliban would moderate their hardline views on women in their second coming. Referring to the Taliban leaders interviewed for their project, Borhan Osman and Anand Gopal write in their paper, ‘Taliban Views on a Future State’, “Most respondents agreed that the Taliban has evolved considerably in its social outlook. They attribute this to the changed conditions from the 1990s: Many Taliban leaders have now spent over a decade in Pakistan or the Gulf, which has greatly broadened their horizons from their parochial upbringings in southern Afghanistan. In addition, many Taliban leaders have since 2001 completed their studies and engaged with the broader world of Islamist discourse, opening their perspective to new interpretations of Islam. For this reason, respondents now judge many Taliban edicts of the 1990s — such as those enacted by the notorious Vice and Virtue religious police, or the shuttering of girls’ schools — as too harsh or inappropriate for today. Taliban views on personal dress, female education and television appear to have softened considerably.”

Coming to women, Osman and Gopal quote a number of interviewees as stating, “We do not object to women working or to the education of women in our country. However, what we object to and prevent by force is if this work or education breaches Islamic Sharia. Nowadays, there are scores of schools, especially for girls in the area of the [Islamic Emirate], and there are jobs performed by women, such as the teaching of girls and medicine for women. We encourage this and we call for it on condition that hospitals for females are segregated from hospitals for males, and on condition that the work conditions are in harmony with Islamic Sharia, not to satisfy instincts, whims and lust.”

What does all this mean? Will there be a place for women in bureaucracy, commercial undertakings and public and political life? According to Osman and Gopal, “Most interviewees accepted the need of women in the sectors of health and education, and in any government department dealing with women and children. Beyond that, there appears to be little enthusiasm for the idea of women holding public office or working in businesses not dealing with females or children.” Besides, will the Taliban, now in power, accord women the very limited status some say they have come to envision? Even if the top leaders want to — they have reportedly said that they will honour the rights women have under Islamic law — there will be pressure from the field commanders and frontline fighters who are hardliners opposed to negotiations and concessions and have very restrictive views on girls’ educations and women’s role. A return to a grim nightmare awaits Afghan women.

Apoorvanand writes: Unless they are bold, not only in their belief but also in their words, it is difficult to expect people to even listen to their lament

I was pleasantly surprised to see an article by Sonia Gandhi in The Indian Express (‘In need of repair’, August 18). I read it with great expectation, but was left disappointed. Not because the piece says anything wrong, but because it is only a cold indexing of what has gone wrong with Indian democracy in the last few years. It talks about the damage to the economy, the demolition of federalism, the hollowing out of institutions that hold democracy together, the disastrous handling of the pandemic and the targeting of critics of the government using laws meant to deal with “terrorism”. It also laments the loss of the inclusive ethos that defines India. All wrongs listed, the piece ends with a wish, “India must show that it is possible to translate idealistic visions into lived realities.”

Everything has been said. Why am I cribbing then? Because the piece fails to register and articulate the trauma that Indian Muslims are suffering from. Nowhere too did I find the word secularism mentioned. The central idea that defines India has been effectively pushed out of all political discourse. After the 2019 election results, PM Narendra Modi had listed as his major victory that he had ensured that “secularism” would no longer be used by any political party. Now we see that even the chief of a party, which conceived of and practised this principle, not only of statecraft but also of the country’s social life, does not think it important to remind the people that diversity and pluralism cannot exist without secularism.

Secondly, the lament for the loss of diversity becomes formalistic if you do not say that what matters is the protection of and respect for equal rights of all minorities, especially Muslims and Christians. That was the promise of India under the leadership of Gandhi and Nehru. Gandhi died for it and Nehru defended Muslims with his body.

So, why is the president of a party that Gandhi and Nehru led reluctant to touch upon the subject of how minorities are under threat in India today? Instead, the word diversity is strategically used to invisibilise Muslims or Christians in the political and social sphere. Given the physical and psychological attacks that Muslims are facing on a daily basis, it is not something you can talk about indirectly.

On the night of August 13, two nights before the 75th Independence Day, I got a missed call from a resident of the state with the largest number of Lok Sabha seats. I called back only to be stunned into silence by the opening sentence, “Sir, I am trying to watch the video of Kanpur but the cries of the little girl clinging to her father begging for his life are unbearable. I switch off.” I knew which video he was referring to. He continued, “Her cries remind me of my daughter. There are only three of us. Wouldn’t it be better to die by taking poison than suffer this humiliation?”

It took me time to fight my way out of silence and turn it into a conversation. I need not go into the details of the Kanpur attack on Afsar Ahmad in police presence. I looked for an acknowledgment in Sonia Gandhi’s piece of the anguish of this citizen of India who finds death more honourable than life in this country. The leader failed me.

A defence can be made by saying that she does talk about discrimination. But does this word articulate the injury to the souls of Indian Muslims, the stain of their blood on our streets and fields?

It can be argued that it is unfair to demand such boldness from a leader, who herself has been subjected to the vilest of attacks because of her religious antecedents and her place of origin. That is even more a reason for her, a leader of a party where she enjoys respect across factions, to assert the right of a Muslim or a Christian to live with full rights.

Should one say that the word communalism is inadequate to describe the politics of the BJP? It is aggressive majoritarianism which is disenfranchising Muslims in all aspects of national life.

We need extraordinary courage and moral clarity when faced with such an unprecedented and brazen attack on the fundamentals of our national life. That clarity must be reflected in speech. Should I request Sonia Gandhi to read the letter that a young Indira Gandhi had written to her father, the first Prime Minister of India, in a similar moment of crisis? Writing from Lucknow on December 5, 1947 about the rallies organised by the RSS and allowed by the Congress government, she warns, “The recent history of Germany is too close for us to be able to forget it for an instant. Are we inviting the same fate to the country? The Congress organisation has already been engulfed — most Congressmen approve of these tendencies. So do government servants of all ranks and positions.”

Even bolder is her letter of December 10, 1949. The occasion was the visit of Nehru to Farrukhabad. Indira wrote, “I hear Tandonji wants to change its name and that of every town which ends in ‘bad’ into ‘nagar’.” She threatens: “If this sort of thing goes on much longer, I shall be provoked into calling myself ‘Zohra Begum’ or some such thing!”

Unless our secular leaders are as bold, not only in their belief but also in their words, it is difficult to expect people to even listen to their lament. Incidentally, the letters are part of a beautiful volume of letters between Indira and Nehru that Sonia Gandhi has edited.

Upendra Baxi writes: No judge is ‘subordinate’ to any other. As constitutional beings, judges are limited in jurisdiction but also supreme within their own jurisdiction.

“What’s in a name?”, asked Romeo in Romeo and Juliet and answered the question memorably by stating: “That which we call a rose /By any other name would smell as sweet.” But legal rules make new social meanings by imperative definitions; the legislative fiat consists of words that bind or persuade; judicial interpretation either follows, constructs or expands the future meanings of legislative or judicial utterances.

But what may be true of romance and literature is often democidal in politics and law. I have always pointed out at public fora and in my writings that the expression “subordinate courts” used by Part VI, Chapter 6, of the Constitution of India cannot signify that judges are indeed so. This inelegant enunciation menaces the independence of the judiciary, entrenched with and since Kesavananda Bharati (1973) as the essential feature of the basic structure of the Indian Constitution. Now is the time for Parliament to remove the substantial nomenclature of “subordinate judiciary”, and the courts to eliminate the last vestiges of judicial feudalism — the moral fault line of judicial hierarchy.

When I rhetorically posed a question to then Chief Justice of India Y V Chandrachud at a public meeting, he was visibly annoyed and retorted: “What is the difference between the CJI and the sarpanch of a nyaya panchayat?” I meant no disrespect to him or the judiciary. To his credit, he contained his annoyance but the fact is that no judge is “subordinate” to any other. As constitutional beings, judges are limited in jurisdiction but also supreme within their own jurisdiction. However, Article 235 speaks of “control over subordinate courts”. This Article adds insult to injury by describing these entities and agents as persons “holding a post inferior to the post of a district judge”.

The Constitution no doubt contemplates a hierarchy of jurisdictions, but no judge, acting within her jurisdiction, is “inferior” or “subordinate”. On appeal, or review, a court with ample jurisdiction may overturn and even pass judicial strictures but this does not make the concerned courts “lower” or “inferior” courts. True, high courts always have considerable powers of superintendence on the administrative side but this “supervisory“ power has been recognised by the apex court as a “constitutional power” and subject to the right of appeal as granted by Article 235.

This means that the powers are not absolute. As Justice S H Kapadia observed in a dissenting opinion in 2006: “Standards of evaluation in matters of promotion and posting have to be uniformly applied” lest “arbitrariness comes in”. Rightly insisting on the integrity of “the evaluation process”, he said that varying “standards” or “no standards” breach “the integrity of the process” and bring in “discrimination and arbitrariness” violating “Article 14 and “therefore judicial review”.

Despite these sage observations, arbitrary practices in writing confidential reports of district justices seem to continue. Though not very common, the practice of downgrading a senior district judge constantly commended in Annual Confidential Reports (ACR) as “very good” suddenly to a “good” or lower grade continue to occur. However, while the Constitution allows “supervision”, it does not sanction judicial despotism. It erects a safeguard by the provision of the constitutional right to appeal to the Supreme Court. But should such a guarantee be necessary in the first place to maintain the integrity of the process of judicial elevations?

The August 11 order of the Himachal Pradesh High Court comes as a breath of fresh air. It resolves that “hereinafter, all the courts in the state other than the high court shall be referred to as district judiciary”. Furthermore, “these courts shall not be referred to as subordinate court” but as trial courts. This judicial action is replete with good intentions and, hopefully, there would be no opposition from the Supreme Court or intervention by the State. The colonial idea of “subordination” stands replaced by the constitutional idea of independence of the judiciary. This decision replacing the term “subordinate judiciary” is completely justified, as, in fact, Article 235 speaks of the “district judge”. However, it also says, “the courts subordinate thereto”. Now the Himachal Pradesh HC has decreed that there are no such entities — all courts in the state other than the High Court are to be named “district judiciary”.

The new designation is, of course, necessary, but it is not sufficient. What then is to be done? My view endorses a complete recasting of Article 235, which does away with the omnibus expression of “control” powers in the high courts. They may exercise “supervision” under detailed performance norms. But there is no reason why for most matters (save elevation), senior-most district judges and judges of the high courts may not constitute a collegiate system to facilitate judicial administration, infrastructure, access, monitoring of disposal rates, minimisation of undue delays in administration of justice, alongside matters concerning transfers, and leave. The amendment should specifically require the high courts to satisfy the criteria flowing from the principles of natural and constitutional justice and all judicial officers who fulfil due qualification thresholds should be treated with constitutional dignity and respect. If an ACR is to be adversely changed in the face of a consistent award for a decade or more, it should be a collegiate act of the five senior-most justices, including the Chief Justice of the High Court.

Further, CJI Ramana has recently agreed in principle, following the request of the Supreme Court Bar Association, that chief justices of the high courts should consider lawyers practising in the Supreme Court for elevation to the high courts and, to this end, proposed a set of names. How all this is to be constitutionally codified is a matter calling for the combined wisdom of the Chief Justices Conference. Any recommendation for constitutional change proposed by the conference should carry great weight and be assured of smooth passage in Parliament. Citizens remain entitled, even in a situation of parliamentary turbulence, to a smooth passage as the recent example of passing of the 126th Amendment (on reservations) notably suggests.

Leher Kala writes: The work of life is to prepare ourselves through education, experiences and habits — for the unexpected. But, with the understanding that sometimes there are forces beyond our control that make us vulnerable to both fortune and misfortune.

In the little gem of a movie Yesterday that dropped on Netflix recently, a struggling musician wakes up after an accident to make the startling discovery that The Beatles have been erased from the world’s collective cultural memory, and he is the only person left on earth who remembers their music. He sings Yesterday for his friends and suddenly, he is no longer a Nowhere Man but an artistic sensation. We are never told how or why this happens, this quirky premise directing the focus of the film to bigger existential questions of chance and ethics. Is it plagiarism if nobody knew the band existed? Or merely carpe diem, a down-on-his-luck singer seizing an opportunity that randomly came his way.

In real life of course, randomness rarely proves so fortuitous. Luck, rather the lack of it, is a controlling force in all our lives. Ask the imperiled Afghans. There are an awful lot of good people suffering disproportionately only because they happen to be the hapless citizens of a failed State. It turns out, the single greatest stroke of luck is where you are born. Our personal narratives emerge from this narrow and specific point, nudging us ahead or holding us back. Yet, the conventional wisdom we imbibe growing up is to be single-minded and determined in our pursuits, to take responsibility for our choices, without making allowances for the whims of fate. It is, perhaps, too scary to envision that sincerity and hard work aside, success depends as much on dodging the catastrophes this wildly unpredictable world may throw up.

The birth lottery is one thing, other vagaries of chance play out in subtler ways throughout our lives. For example, the principal of Delhi University’s Hindu College announced recently that the cut-offs this year will begin at (an utterly absurd) 100%. The fact is, there aren’t enough seats at Hindu for everybody who’s good. There aren’t enough seats at Lady Shri Ram College or Mumbai’s St Xavier’s either. So, colleges ruthlessly keep ratcheting up the cut-offs until they are (conveniently) left with the numbers they can accommodate. This is an accepted practice that should violate our sense of justice because we know the student who got rejected at 99.5 % is equally qualified for that seat. But happenstance rears its whimsical head; some people get what they deserve, some don’t and that’s just how it is.

A more honest way to decide college admissions would be the old-fashioned chit system. Put all the 95%-plus candidates’ names in a hat, shake it around and declare a lucky draw. While far from ideal, it spares students a blow to their self-esteem that they weren’t good enough, even with a near perfect score. Surely, they deserve to be validated for stupendous effort while adjusting to the complexity that rewards don’t necessarily accrue, even after exceptional performance. That is not to say humanity should let go of ambition or we must give ourselves up to relentless fatalism; perseverance and intellectual curiosity are necessary to make it in every career. The work of life is to prepare ourselves through education, experiences and habits — for the unexpected. But, with the understanding that sometimes there are forces beyond our control that make us vulnerable to both fortune and misfortune.

It is a sobering thought that while I, as a female journalist, type from the comfort of my air- conditioned room, TV news focuses on my (veiled) contemporaries three hours away in Kabul, marching down a destroyed landscape, demanding they be allowed to work. Imagine the risks of putting up a fiery show of bravery in a country sliding towards a medieval dystopia. This countermovement, women pushing back against a loss of autonomy, speaks a gutting truth to us watching from our private lockdowns: there are millions of people deserving of a great life everywhere. They’re just not as lucky.

A wider opportunity exists for the Trinamool to make its mark not only in Assam, but also the Northeastern states, where Bengalis become the target of anti-Bangladeshi politics

Sushmita Dev’s move from the Indian National Congress to All India Trinamool Congress has triggered many conversations. Some have read her move as a part of the Trinamool Congress’s attempts at consolidation in Tripura, with a possible Rajya Sabha seat for Dev from West Bengal. Needless to say, the decision to move to an essentially regional party after a three-generation association with the Congress and the Gandhi family, would not have been made without a thought.

The decisive victory of the Trinamool Congress in the West Bengal elections in May this year has definitely pushed anti-BJP parties to expand their footprints in their areas of influence. The Trinamool is still looking to consolidate Bengali pride in outsider vs insider tensions in the east. One of the areas for them to naturally expand is the Northeast, with the presence of over 1.5 crore Bengali-speakers. Getting Sushmita Dev on board could give a fillip to its expansion plans in Assam and Tripura.

The receding influence of the Congress on Bengali voters and the evolving nature of identity politics in the region that often targets Bengalis as illegal Bangladeshis has worried many Bengali residents in the region. The community has recent memories of targeted violence in Meghalaya; even the Mizoram border episodes impacted them. The NRC exercise in Assam has been a harrowing experience for many, be it Hindus or Muslims.

The BJP’s promise to implement the CAA was aimed at Bengali Hindu voters and has seen the party through the 2019 general elections and the 2021 Assam assembly elections. Now the delays in setting the rules for implementing the Act passed by Parliament in December 2019 has set many tongues wagging about the actual motive of the CAA.

This is where a wider opportunity exists for the Trinamool to make its mark not only in Assam, but also the Northeastern states, where Bengalis become the target of anti-Bangladeshi politics.

Along with changing dimensions of politics in the region, the influence of Bengali politicians from Assam has reduced severely with Delhi over the last few years. This has a direct impact on development in Bengali-dominated pockets, despite the attention paid by the Union government to the Northeast. The closure of the Hindustan Paper mill in Panchgram in Barak valley of Assam, the only Centre-owned heavy industry in the valley, that still had market potential and might have generated economic benefits for three states in the region, is a case in point. For more than three years, employees were not paid salaries and local parliamentarians or legislators failed to get the leadership in Delhi or Guwahati to prevent the closure or at least get the employees paid. A state government medical college established in Silchar in 1968 functions without departments of cardiology, neurology, neurosurgery, among others despite the MP from the area being a physician.

The emergence of a Bengali leadership as cheerleaders for Guwahati politicians creates political space in Assam for the Trinamool to consolidate on Bengali issues. In Tripura, the rumblings within the BJP also provide such an opportunity.

In the run-up to the 2024 elections, if an attempt is made to foist another NRC exercise, it will bring the Trinamool Congress in sharp focus. It will be seen as a key player, with the ability to eclipse the Congress in the region. For now, an impactful step has been taken and it remains to be seen how much Mamata Banerjee wants to make out of the region.

In gathering momentum for a caste census Bihar CM Nitish Kumar met PM Narendra Modi with a multi-party grouping, including his opponent Tejashwi Yadav.

Afterwards the RJD scion asked: Animals and trees are counted then why not castes? This is powerful framing, suggesting that only a most natural thing is being demanded here, and further it is a thing that is a natural requirement for better administration of welfare schemes in India.

But in substance, this is nonsense. What we need to get better bang for the buck from India’s welfare architecture is better data about household consumption, jobs etc.

Why isn’t the opposition asking the government for timely and accurate updates of critical databases? What we need is improved measurements of deprivation, and then improved delivery of relief. In focusing on the caste of the deprived instead, political leaders are betraying their bad faith.

 

Animals, trees, human beings… that is a listing of the natural world. Caste does not belong here as it is a completely artificial construct.

Plus, Tejashwi would do well to refresh his reading of RJD forefather Ram Manohar Lohia who said, “Caste restricts opportunity. Restricted opportunity constricts ability. Constricted ability further restricts opportunity. Where caste prevails, opportunity and ability are restricted to ever-narrowing circles.”

With just six months to UP assembly elections, the strong buzz that CM Yogi Adityanath will opt for a late cabinet expansion with more representation for OBCs signals this constituency’s importance to BJP. Inclusion of 27 ministers from OBC groups in the recent Union Cabinet reshuffle and OBC quota in all-India medical entrance examinations were giveaways of a pronounced electoral strategy for 2022 and beyond. No less relevant are the warm tributes for Kalyan Singh, who first won the UP OBC vote for the party.

However, Adityanath has an advantage Kalyan Singh didn’t quite enjoy in 1990s. The lure of caste politics was stronger then, allowing Mulayam Singh and Kanshi Ram to offer an alternative to BJP’s Hindutva and Congress’s big tent politics. But now both SP and BSP are stuck in ruts of their own making, unable to overcome strong identification with Yadav-Muslim and Jatav communities or reimagine the stale politics of giving tickets to local strongmen. In contrast, BJP can claim to have recognised many non-dominant groups within the backward spectrum while shoring up its Hindutva and nationalism planks, a strategy reaping rich rewards in UP in 2014, 2017 and 2019.

The favourable electoral result from Bihar, another state heavily dominated by OBC politics, also augurs well for BJP. But over-reliance on its politics of representation that fragments erstwhile OBC and SC votebanks of SP and BSP could also be interpreted as a sign of weakness. Adityanath had earlier made improvement in law and order and corruption-free governance, major showpiece achievements. However, the pandemic and attendant economic hardships have disturbed those equations.

Under Akhilesh Yadav, SP is pitching itself as a party offering opportunities to even Brahmins, Jatavs and smaller OBC groups. Both Akhilesh and Mayawati are pitching the caste census as the real deal for backward groups, which they claim BJP is evading. But when the two netas allied in 2019 for a failed experiment, they had no convincing answers to BJP posers on perpetuating elitism and the rule of a few communities during their alternating tenures at UP’s helm. As BJP attempts more micromanagement of its umbrella social alliance, the big question is whether caste will trump all other issues in the 2022 elections.

“This is manifestly not Saigon,” insisted US secretary of state, Antony Blinken as Kabul fell into Taliban’s hands with humiliating speed. A month earlier President Biden had insisted likewise. But the similarity will be etched in history books, that America has once again left behind innocent civilians paying for its broken promises and its horrific miscalculations on delivering fundamental political change in a faraway land. As thousands – including many Indians – scramble desperately to leave Afghanistan, America must face up to both the hubris of power and the underlying mendacity that have been laid bare here.

The great strength of liberal democracy over other political forms is its capacity for self-correction. Institutional scrutiny and oversight of the public agenda ensure progress in various critical matters. But what if this system is hollowed from within? About US policy in Afghanistan one damning indictment is that, “every data point was altered to present the best picture possible.” Everything about how poorly trained the Afghan forces were, how corrupt the government and how much in bed with Taliban, became subordinate to the American goal of declaring Mission Accomplished and willy-nilly getting its boots out of there.

An Indian episode of hubris was IPKF’s misadventures in Sri Lanka, which ended up antagonising both sides in the conflict. More recently, we paid a high price for declaring premature victory over the pandemic, when the second wave brought us to our knees. To be ambitious is a national good, but to be blinkered is dangerous. Looking facts in the face is a much more profitable strategy. As for the schadenfreude that non-democratic China is feeling at American pride perishing in the graveyard of empires in Afghanistan, hubris and mendacity are no lesser threats to its own future. For example, its mulish suppression of Covid’s origin story is arrogance personified. But not facing up to how it contributed to the virus’s spread is hardly a recipe for the country’s own future safety.

​​ The Board for Advance Rulings, meant to replace the Authority for Advance Rulings (AAR) — to tell investors who seek clarity on their eligibility to avail various taxplanning opportunities — has been delayed. This kind of inertia in giving institutions their full complement of personnel does not reflect well on governance efficiency or ease of doing business.

It is bewildering that key positions have been lying vacant in various tribunals, regulatory bodies and appellate authorities. People retire on predetermined dates, making succession planning the simplest thing for the government to do. The dither impedes the smooth functioning of various sectors. Reportedly, the Securities Appellate Tribunal (SAT) has postponed its verdict in over a dozen cases, as the government is yet to appoint a technical member. It could push market participants to move the high courts for security market appeals.

This is wholly avoidable, given the pendency of cases at the level of the high court is over 57 lakh. Chairperson of the Insurance Regulatory and Development Authority (Irda) and member (finance) are positions without occupants. This is odd, at a time when the government wants to divest a part of its holding in Life Insurance Corporation via an initial public offering. The Financial Sector Regulatory Appointment Search Committee must complete the selection process swiftly to ensure efficient functioning of the insurance sector with assets under management of over Rs 39 lakh crore.

Thanks to the Banks Board Bureau, selection to top positions, MD and CEO, in public sector banks has been streamlined. However, the National Green Tribunal, which adjudicates environmental cases, does not have its full strength. The government is yet to constitute the Goods and Services Tax Appellate Tribunal.

The Tribunals Reforms Bill 2021, passed by Parliament, expects the Centre to decide on the recommendations of the selection committees to appoint chairpersons and members of tribunals, ‘preferably’ within three months from the date of recommendation. This is way too long.

The Board for Advance Rulings, meant to replace the Authority for Advance Rulings (AAR) — to tell investors who seek clarity on their eligibility to avail various taxplanning opportunities — has been delayed. This kind of inertia in giving institutions their full complement of personnel does not reflect well on governance efficiency or ease of doing business.

​​Oil palm is land-use efficient, yielding 3-4 tonnes per hectare, compared to 1 tonne per hectare for other oilseeds. A plan to increase acreage must be presented to the public for inputs. Done wrong, it could well be an ecological disaster.

The Rs 11,000 crore, centrally sponsored national mission to increase palm oil production, cleared by the Cabinet, is geared to meet the expected doubling of consumption over the next 15 years.

The northeast and Andaman and Nicobar Islands are targeted growth areas. This is not a great idea, entailing as it does the threat to the fragile ecology of these places and to important storehouses of biodiversity.

The scope to switch existing, lowproductivity paddy land to oil palm and to increase the productivity of traditional oilseeds must both be explored to the full. India consumes about 10% of global palm oil production, importing 90% or, about 8 million tonnes, annually at a cost of $9- 10 billion. Efforts have been on since 1991 to slash imports, but only 3.7 lakh hectare is under oil palm.

Ecological costs — biodiversity loss, fragmentation of forests, increased potential of zoonotic diseases, water shortages and scarcity — long gestation period and impact on economic security of farmers must be factored in. Studies find that global warming and expanding irrigated area could make some 7.86-73.26 million hectares suitable for palm oil plantations.

But some 45-60% of this area is of high ecological value, the balance is under rice cultivation. Experts say encouraging marginal paddy farmers, producing less than 2 tonnes per hectare, to shift to oil palm is a sustainable plan. The long gestation period (5-7 years) and the high support prices for paddy hinder a switch and need remedial policy.

Oil palm is land-use efficient, yielding 3-4 tonnes per hectare, compared to 1 tonne per hectare for other oilseeds. A plan to increase acreage must be presented to the public for inputs. Done wrong, it could well be an ecological disaster.